Categories of wars and the national-historical consciousness of peoples in the XX century. Historical memory as the basis for preserving the spiritual and cultural traditions of the people Why the memory of the war is weakening

One of the most important qualities that has always distinguished man from animals, of course, is memory. The past for a person is the most important source for the formation of one's own consciousness and determining one's personal place in society and the world around.

Losing memory, a person loses his orientation among the environment, social ties collapse.

What is collective historical memory?

Memory is not abstract knowledge of any events. Memory is life experience, knowledge of events experienced and felt, reflected emotionally. Historical memory is a collective concept. It lies in the preservation of the public, as well as the understanding of historical experience. The collective memory of generations can be both among family members, the population of the city, and among the whole nation, country and all mankind.

Stages of development of historical memory

It must be understood that collective historical memory, as well as individual, has several stages of development.

First, it is oblivion. After a certain period of time, people tend to forget events. It can happen quickly, or it can happen in a few years. Life does not stand still, the series of episodes is not interrupted, and many of them are replaced by new impressions and emotions.

Secondly, people again and again encounter past facts in scientific articles, literary works and the media. And everywhere the interpretation of the same events can vary greatly. And not always they can be attributed to the concept of "historical memory". Each author presents the arguments of the events in his own way, putting his own view and personal attitude into the narrative. And it doesn't matter what topic it will be - world war, all-Union construction or the consequences of a hurricane.

Readers and listeners will perceive the event through the eyes of a reporter or writer. Different versions of the presentation of the facts of the same event make it possible to analyze, compare the opinions of different people and draw their own conclusions. The true memory of the people is able to develop only with freedom of speech, and it will be completely distorted with total censorship.

The third, most important stage in the development of people's historical memory is the comparison of events taking place in the present time with facts from the past. The relevance of today's problems of society can sometimes be directly related to the historical past. Only by analyzing the experience of past achievements and mistakes, a person is able to create.

Hypothesis of Maurice Halbwachs

The theory of historical collective memory, like any other, has its founder and followers. The French philosopher and sociologist Maurice Halbwachs was the first to put forward the hypothesis that the concepts of historical memory and history are far from being the same thing. He was the first to suggest that history begins exactly when tradition ends. There is no need to fix on paper what is still alive in memories.

Halbwachs's theory proved the need to write history only for subsequent generations, when there were few or no more witnesses of historical events left alive. There were quite a few followers and opponents of this theory. The number of the latter increased after the war with fascism, during which all members of the philosopher's family were killed, and he himself died in Buchenwald.

Ways to communicate memorable events

The memory of the people to past events was expressed in various forms. In the old days, it was the oral transmission of information in fairy tales, legends and traditions. The characters were endowed with the heroic traits of real people who distinguished themselves by feats and courage. Epic stories have always sung of the courage of the defenders of the Fatherland.

Later, these were books, and now the media have become the main sources of coverage of historical facts. Today, they mainly form our perception and attitude to the experience of the past, fateful events in politics, economics, culture and science.

The relevance of the historical memory of the people

Why is the memory of the war waning?

Time is the best healer for pain, but the worst factor for memory. This applies both to the memory of generations about the war, and in general to the historical memory of the people. The erasure of the emotional component of memories depends on several reasons.

The first thing that greatly affects the strength of memory is the time factor. With each passing year, the tragedy of those terrible days is getting further and further away. 70 years have passed since the victorious end of World War II.

The political and ideological factor also influences the preservation of the reliability of the events of the war years. The intensity in the modern world allows the media to evaluate many aspects of the war unreliably, from a negative point of view, convenient for politicians.

And one more inevitable factor influencing the people's memory of the war is natural. This is a natural loss of eyewitnesses, defenders of the Motherland, those who defeated fascism. Every year we lose those who bear "living memory". With the departure of these people, the heirs of their victory are unable to keep the memory in the same colors. Gradually, it acquires shades of real events of the present and loses its authenticity.

Let's keep the "living" memory of the war

The historical memory of the war is formed and preserved in the minds of the younger generation not only from bare historical facts and a chronicle of events.

The most emotional factor is “living memory”, that is, the memory of the people itself. Every Russian family knows about these terrible years from eyewitness accounts: grandfathers' stories, letters from the front, photographs, military things and documents. Many testimonies of the war are stored not only in museums, but also in personal archives.

It is already difficult for little Russians today to imagine a hungry, destructive time that brings grief every day. That piece of bread laid according to the norm in besieged Leningrad, those daily radio reports about events at the front, that terrible sound of the metronome, that postman who brought not only letters from the front line, but also funerals. But fortunately, they can still hear the stories of their great-grandfathers about the stamina and courage of Russian soldiers, about how little boys slept at the machines, just to make more shells for the front. True, these stories are rarely without tears. It hurts too much to remember.

Artistic image of war

The second possibility of preserving the memory of the war is literary descriptions of the events of the war years in books, documentaries and feature films. Against the backdrop of large-scale events in the country, they always touch on the topic of a separate fate of a person or family. It is encouraging that interest in military topics today is manifested not only on anniversaries. Over the past decade, many films have appeared that tell about the events of the Great Patriotic War. On the example of a single fate, the viewer is introduced to the front-line difficulties of pilots, sailors, scouts, sappers and snipers. Modern cinematography technologies allow the younger generation to feel the scale of the tragedy, hear the "real" volleys of guns, feel the heat of the flames of Stalingrad, see the severity of military transitions during the redeployment of troops

Modern coverage of history and historical consciousness

The understanding and ideas of modern society about the years and events of World War II are ambiguous today. The main explanation for this ambiguity can rightfully be considered the information war unfolded in the media in recent years.

Today, without disdaining any world media, they give the floor to those who during the war years took the side of fascism and participated in the mass genocide of people. Some recognize their actions as "positive", thereby trying to erase their cruelty and inhumanity from memory. Bandera, Shukhevych, General Vlasov and Helmut von Pannwitz have now become heroes for radical youth. All this is the result of an information war, which our ancestors had no idea about. Attempts to distort historical facts sometimes reach the point of absurdity, when the merits of the Soviet Army are belittled.

Protecting the authenticity of events - preserving the historical memory of the people

The historical memory of the war is the main value of our people. Only it will allow Russia to remain the strongest state.

The authenticity of the historical events covered today will help to preserve the truth of the facts and the clarity of assessment of the past experience of our country. The fight for truth is always hard. Even if this fight will be "with fists", we must defend the truth of our history in memory of our grandfathers.

2011 Story #1(13)

G.A. Bykovskaya, A.N. Zlobin, I.V. foreigners

THE CONCEPT OF "PLACES OF MEMORY": TO THE QUESTION OF RUSSIAN HISTORICAL

CONSCIOUSNESS*

The problem of national identity in modern Russia is considered through the prism of the historical self-consciousness of the Russian people. The concept of "places of memory" is proposed, which can become a unifying factor of the Russian ethnos, the basis of the patriotic education of citizens.

Key words: ethnos, nation, national identity, patriotic education, Russian history.

In our time, Russia is going through a difficult stage in the formation of a new statehood: a new economic system is being formed, a new political structure is taking shape. In parallel with these processes, the formation of new forms of national self-consciousness of Russians is taking place. The problem of the development of national identity in modern Russia is closely related to the problem of the Russian nation's understanding of itself in the new historical conditions, taking into account the long period of hushing up this topic and the formed negative attitudes associated with the fear of "Russian nationalism". Collective identity is always a matter of self-identification of the individuals participating in it. It exists only to the extent that certain individuals acknowledge their participation in it. “Its strength or weakness depends on how alive it is in the minds of the members of the group and is able to motivate their thinking and activities.”

Learning how to competently and in the direction necessary for society to influence the development of ethnic concepts of collective identity, in our opinion, is the most important practical task of all the humanities at the present stage. Inattention to this direction has led to the fact that multimillion-dollar pieces have broken away from the Russian people. In just a few decades, the Ukrainian and Belarusian ethnic groups appeared and formed independent states. Today you can

hear about such peoples as Pomors, Cossacks, Siberians. If it goes on like this, then in a hundred years the Russian people will live on the territory of several regions of central Russia and be called “Muscovites”. In the 19th century almost no one seriously believed in the possibility of the practical implementation of the Ukrainian project, and the prospect of “decomposition of the fatherland” was considered by the scientific and political elite as a demagogic horror story of stubborn conservatives. Learn to learn from history! In the face of a real danger of further disintegration of the Russian people, all sane, patriotic Russian scholars in the humanities should unite.

Unlike small social groups and entities based on real experience of cohesion, all the members of which are familiar with each other, the nation exists mainly in the minds of its members as an "imaginary community". Many of the historians who study the phenomenon of the nation have defined it as a product of social construction and communication. The idea of ​​a common past is decisive for the emergence of national identity. A nation is a large we-group - a community of people who equally remember and evaluate various elements of their past, based on common values ​​and cultural archetypes, having similar categories of thinking and

The article was written under the state contract P-313 for the performance of exploratory research work for state needs dated July 28, 2009. Dedicated to the 80th anniversary of the Voronezh State Technological Academy.

mental attitudes based on the unity of language and (in some cases) faith. Differences between people, ethnos, nation are conditional. By and large, this is nothing more than speculation and theoretical constructions.

German historian Hagen Schulze, developing the thoughts of the French historian of the XIX century. E. Renan, describes nations as "spiritual entities, communities that exist only as long as they are in the minds and hearts of people and disappear as soon as they stop or no longer want to think about them" . The historical experience of the development and death of nations shows that the process of their existence is quite manageable, especially in our age of information technology development. Unfortunately, in Russia the process of development of national self-consciousness is largely left to chance, which, in the conditions of economic problems, the collapse of a superpower, and cultural unrest, leads to an increase in self-denial tendencies in the public consciousness, to a stable consolidation of a sense of national inferiority. The indifference of the state to the problems of national self-identification, the refusal to manage ideological processes (political PR is not taken into account) led to the appearance on this field of unscrupulous businessmen who, for the sake of their own (or someone else's) interests, from TV screens, from the pages of newspapers, popular, educational, pseudoscientific literature destroy positive stereotypes (phenomena) of national consciousness: Marshal Zhukov, Alexander Nevsky, Dmitry Donskoy and others, forming in their place the image of bloodthirsty tyrants and murderers. A picture of the inferiority of Russian history is imposed on society (“prison of peoples”, “evil empire”)

inferiority of the Russian people, false values. If the state and society cannot find answers to such challenges, then the spiritual improvement of society will soon have to be forgotten forever, and without morally full-fledged people who respect themselves and their people and their country, neither Russia nor Russia can be revived as a great economic power. political prestige. It is very important that the responses to these challenges are adequate. It is unacceptable to slide down to the methods of banning "wrong" books or TV programs, to competently constructed and implemented

It is possible and necessary to respond to technologies only with counter-technologies of comparable quality, which, supported by the state and society, will undoubtedly turn out to be stronger and more productive.

The need to create a national unifying idea was already spoken by the first president of Russia B.N. Yeltsin, however, unfortunately, things have not gone further than the development of the ceremonial, the introduction of new holidays (without explaining their essence) and the old anthem. Attempts to replace patriotic ideology with military-patriotic or exclusively ecclesiastical ones are untenable. The complexity of this task is explained both by the transitional time itself, with its confusion of ideas and values, and by the need to create a strictly scientific ideological concept based on historical and cultural realities, the development and implementation of which the leading political strategists, apparently, simply do not reach their hands. Here we offer the “background” of such a concept, the experimental implementation of which in the territory of one of the regions could answer many questions related to the problem of developing a national idea.

We believe that it is necessary to scientifically develop the concept of Russian nation-building based on four foundations: collective

ethnic unconscious, which includes the main categories of ethnic mentality, the conscious historical memory of the people, historical fact and geopolitical realities. The implementation of the concepts of national identity in the public mind should take place in the historical-patriotic, civil-legal and cultural-ethical aspects.

I. The collective unconscious of the Russian people is a subject that is extremely poorly studied and very complex due to the great ethnic diversity of Russians, cultural and religious differences. Here, discussing the common cultural foundations, we will talk about the collective unconscious of Russians, as the most numerous and state-forming ethnic group in the Russian Federation. In the national regions, corrective programs will be created that take into account national characteristics. In any case, in the practice of nation-building, this contradiction cannot be avoided. It is of fundamental importance that the political, scientific and cultural elites that control and direct

implementation of ethnic projects, clearly aware of the ultimate goal in the national policy towards a particular ethnic group and the limits of the Russification process. For some peoples, Russification is possible and desirable in the near future, for other ethnic groups, such events can only lead to the radicalization of the elites and, as a result, to adverse geopolitical consequences. In the cultural history of the Russian people, in our opinion, four main stable categories of ethnic mentality can be distinguished: the ideas of messianism and national exclusiveness, strong power, will, community. Let's dwell on each of them.

The idea of ​​messianism and national exclusivity has ancient cultural roots dating back to the era of the formation of the Moscow kingdom, when after the fall of the Byzantine Empire Russia remained the only independent Orthodox state, which contributed to the development of ideas about the special exclusivity of Russia (Moscow - the Third Rome), its special mission, which was understood as the preservation and dissemination of the true faith until the Last Judgment and thereby the salvation of mankind in the hour of God's wrath, its introduction into the heavenly kingdom "Mountain Jerusalem". In the era of the Russian Empire, the idea of ​​messianism in a sense was revived in public thought after the Great French Revolution and the victory over Napoleon. Russia began to be understood as the savior of Europe from the "revolutionary infection". The stability of the Russian autocracy has long been opposed to the unstable West, shaken by revolutions. With renewed vigor, the idea of ​​exclusivity and a special mission of Russia was revived during the Soviet Union. Russia was supposed to show the world the way to a bright communist future (here a parallel with “Mountain Jerusalem” and Holy Russia involuntarily suggests itself).

The idea of ​​strong power - statehood is also inherent in the Russian consciousness since the time of the struggle for the overthrow of the Tatar yoke and the formation of the Moscow kingdom ("The Tale of the Princes of Vladimir"). Without a strong state power, it would be impossible either to preserve the national independence of Russia in the wars with the Mongol-Tatars, Napoleon, Hitler, or to master the huge, in terms of climate

the best territories of the East European Plain and Siberia, so the idea of ​​strong power did not die either in the imperial or in the Soviet period of Russian history. The priority of state rights over individual rights was understood and justified by society. It is significant that now the idea of ​​reviving statehood, strengthening the central government enjoys great support from the people. It should be noted that the idea of ​​a strong state was combined in the public mind with the dream of freedom, as a rich, prosperous life (the Cossacks began to serve the state as soon as it endowed them with land and recognized all liberties). The Russian word "will" is similar to the term freedom. Although it does not have a liberal connotation, it does not contradict it either.

The idea of ​​community, collective life belongs to the Russian consciousness from the beginning of its formation in the primitive era. In subsequent times, the difficult climate, the difficulties associated with the development of territories, the mobile lifestyle associated with constant movements, only strengthened the community, made it vital until the 20th century, when the first attempt was made by P.A. Stolypin on its destruction. Collectivization and industrialization, destroying the peasant

community, gave rise to a "collective of workers", as a rule, is still different from similar phenomena in other countries of the world in mutual assistance and mutual responsibility before the authorities. Community-ness, while maintaining the best human qualities, has a retarding effect on the economic development of the country. The product of the communal

past are such well-known features of the Russian mentality as laziness, passivity, lack of initiative. Whatever it was,

community is an integral category of mentality - the collective unconscious of the Russian people, which must be borne in mind in the scientific development of state and regional ideology.

Based on the foregoing, it is clear that in order to become a full-fledged, viable state ideology, it is necessary to develop and “introduce” a new “messianic idea” into the public consciousness and revive ideas about the positive exclusivity of Russians. It is necessary to set a specific goal for society, which is global in nature, while remembering the mistakes

previous experience, when the people were offered a utopian and a priori not shared goal - communism. It is necessary to present Russia as the bearer of traditional and modern democratic values: firstly, Russia has ancient democratic traditions, going from the time of the Novgorod Republic to the dissidents of the 19th and 20th centuries; secondly, this will manifest an organic combination of traditional own archetypes and elements of the European path of development culturally close to us - a communicative exchange of cultures that is important for modern Russian society; thirdly, democratic and traditionalist ideals in themselves are controversial for many, competently synthesized will give a cumulative effect - the national idea should be recognized by the whole society.

It seems that the origins of the new national idea can also be gleaned from the ideologemes of "Holy Russia", discarding the theocratic ideas of "Mountain Jerusalem", leaving the humanistic ideas of goodness, morality, justice, harmony of the people and the state, set as the goal of building a free, harmonious, humanistic society that can serve as a model for other nations. In this thesis, the idea of ​​messianism will find its embodiment. (At the same time, it is important to promote the theses about the saving mission of Russia in the Tatar-Mongolian, Napoleonic, fascist invasions, about civilizing and scientific-space missions). The idea of ​​national exclusivity will be embodied in the opposition of healthy, humanistic traditions and values ​​of Russia to the mercantile and consumer values ​​of the West, which will acquire new meaning in the inexorably approaching period of depletion of natural energy resources and the associated trend to limit consumption. The idea of ​​national exclusivity should be combined with the ideas of the unity of Russian and world civilization, of Russia's peacefulness and traditional peaceful coexistence with other peoples. The idea of ​​a “humanistic democratic state” is attractive both because it does not require specific deadlines for its implementation, and can be constantly extended over a number of generations (since there are no limits for perfection), and because it will not find serious opponents - it is, by definition, apolitical .

At the same time, in order to maintain the national spirit, the image of a strong state should be developed, society should feel its security, see power in the international arena, and feel military and political power. However, the realities of modern civilization, unlike other historical eras, do not require the intervention of a strong state in the "sovereign competence" of the individual and social groups. Now, more than ever, is the right moment for the real embodiment of the age-old popular dream of “freedom”. Freedom of economic relations, liberalism, the development of private enterprise and initiatives, social reforms can make this dream a reality (a detailed analysis of this topic is beyond the scope of this work). Relying on "will", it is necessary to instill in the public consciousness a new category of mentality - "freedom" and develop a strong immunity against encroachments on it.

Undoubtedly, the category of communality must undergo a serious ideological reform. Its humanistic components such as collectivism, mutual assistance, mutual assistance, breadth of soul, inherent in the Russian mentality, must be combined with the ideas of personal individuality, self-worth, healthy egoism, necessary for the development of a powerful economy based on private, entrepreneurial initiative, the formation of a free, free person. Psychologists and educators have many years of theoretical and practical work ahead of them. In the Russian national character, it is necessary to overcome certain negative traits: laziness, lack of initiative, passivity, incompatible with the need for rapid economic growth and the lofty humanistic ideals set.

II. The conscious historical memory of the people has a complex structure. It consists of many emotionally filled myths and their interpretations, sacred rituals (including political ones), many of which are embodied in the so-called places of memory, or “Neih de cheshoke” (the school of the French historian P. Nora) - phenomena that are stable images that cause positive or negative associations in the majority of the population of a country or region. The carriers of identification memory are always large

united by this or that belonging of the group, which are in the process of constant evolution and interaction with other groups and are not aware of their deformations. Such groups are always more or less subject to influences and manipulations, including through the impact on their mental, value and emotional attitudes, the external carriers of which are always “places of memory”. The term "place of memory" is very close in its meaning to the Greek concept of "topos". F.B. Schenck writes: "A place of memory" is a place in geographic, temporal, or symbolic space. This is a “symbolic figure”, the meaning of which may change depending on the context of its use, transmission, appropriation and perception, and which, having lost its meaning, may again disappear from the collective memory. Places of memory are always signs and symbols, often having a certain ritual meaning, relevant, significant for large we-groups: nations, classes, families, professional communities, etc. According to P. Nora, “even a place is completely

the material, such as archive storage, is not a place of memory unless the imagination endows it with a symbolic aura. Even a purely functional place, such as a schoolbook, testament or veterans' association, becomes a member of this category only on the basis that it is the object of a ritual... The play of memory in history forms the places of memory, the interaction of these spirit factors leads to their determination through each other. friend. First of all, it is necessary to remember. Unlike all historical objects, places of memory have no real reference. Or rather, they are themselves their own reference, signs that refer to nothing but themselves, signs in their purest form.

All-Russian places of memory are, for example, Alexander Nevsky, the Baikonur Cosmodrome, the painting "Barge Haulers on the Volga", Mamayev Kurgan, etc. Regional Voronezh sites are, for example, Koltsov and Nikitin. The more positive “places of memory” and fewer negative ones in the ethnic consciousness, the higher the self-respect of the ethnos, the stronger the patriotic spirit. From evaluative, semantic, emotional

The filling of “places of memory” depends on the development and change in the contexts of the collective, including national identity. This fact is well recognized in all developed countries of the world, except for Russia. For example, in the US, ideologues present lost campaigns as won ones (the Vietnam War), the role of America in significant events in world history is exaggerated (the defeat of fascism), etc. In Russia, a long period of self-flagellation caused great damage to the national spirit, the patriotic consciousness of Russians. However, this damage will be corrected. World practice shows that assessments of stable elements of national memory, both positive and negative, easily change. The same "memory place" can change the estimated load several times during one generation. An example is the image of V.I. Lenin, whose assessment has changed dramatically in a few years after the change in the vector of propaganda from praise to denigration. The image of the Great Patriotic War causes concern, the attitude towards which began to change slowly under the influence of false and pseudo-scientific publications like "Icebreaker". It is possible to “correct” the assessment of certain facts, events, historical characters, to form new “places of memory” in a relatively short period of time, which will require well-known PR technologies, the object of which will not be politicians and parties, but the Russian people, their history and culture.

It is necessary to form a positive perception by society of both traditional religious, national and ethical foundations, as well as democratic values, without which Russia's development and movement forward is impossible. It is known that: a) for the stable assimilation of one or another image by the human consciousness, it is necessary to repeat it at least 20 times; b) the most stable images are those laid down for up to five years. It is necessary to develop a detailed program of patriotic education. From early childhood, the family, preschool institutions, the media, school, and other institutions should form a positive perception of Russia, its history and culture. It is necessary to develop programs designed for the adult population of Russia. The basis of such a program, it seems, is necessary

"Places of Memory" of Russia

Statesmen Vladimir Saint Ivan III Peter I Alexander II B.N. Yeltsin

Great events Battle of the Ice Battle of the Neva Standing on the Ugra Patriotic War of 1812 Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945 The first manned flight into space

Heroes Alexander Nevsky Dmitry Donskoy Suvorov Kutuzov Zhukov

Science Lomonosov Mendeleev Sakharov Lobachevsky Likhachev

Literature Pushkin Tolstoy Dostoyevsky Turgenev Chekhov

Music Tchaikovsky Mussorgsky Rimsky-Korsakov Glinka Rachmaninov

Painting Andrey Rublev Repin Bryullov Surikov Shishkin

Memorable places Kremlin Mamaev Kurgan Borodino field Hermitage Cathedral of Christ the Savior

Natural monuments Lake Baikal Caucasian mineral waters Karelian lakes Valley of geysers Volga River

Great events Adoption of Christianity Battle of Kulikovo Industrialization Battle for Moscow August 1991

Heroes Prince Igor Pereyaslavsky Governor Khabar Denis Davydov Skobelev Gagarin

Science Vavilov Ioffe Alferov Kovalevskaya Korolev

Literature "The Tale of Igor's Campaign", "Zadonshchina" "War and Peace" Bulgakov Platonov Bunin

Music Borodin Sviridov Shostakovich Prokofiev Chaliapin

Painting Simon Ushakov Roerich Vrubel Levitan Savrasov

Memorable places Golden Ring of Russia Millennium Monument of Russia Yasnaya Polyana Tomb of the Unknown Soldier VDNKh

Natural monuments Don River Subtropics of the Sochi region Yenisei River Angara River Arctic Ocean

Statesmen Rurik Boris and Gleb Vasily III Yaroslav the Wise Mikhail Fedorovich

Great events Liberation of Moscow from the Poles in 1712 Annexation of Siberia Northern War Abolition of serfdom Victory over Japan

Heroes Nakhimov Talalikhin Marinesko Rokossovsky Konev

Science Fedorov Mechnikov Solovyov Pavlov Karamzin

Literature Lermontov Akhmatova Tsvetaeva Gorky Solzhenitsyn

Music "Eugene Onegin" "Swan Lake" "Prince Igor" "Ruslan and Lyudmila" Rachmaninov's 2nd symphony

Painting "Barge Haulers on the Volga" "Rooks Have Arrived" "The Last Day of Pompeii" "Girl with Peaches" "Moscow Yard"

Memorable places Spasskoe-Lutovinovo Prokhorovskoye field Sparrow Hills Tarkhany Trinity-Sergius Lavra

Natural monuments Krasnoyarsk pillars Vasyugan swamp Prioksky nature reserve Gorny Altai Kuril Islands

put a system of "places of memory", the backlog of which is presented in the table. This table is by no means a claim for completeness. For example, it does not take into account "places of memory" - rituals, values, archetypes. This is nothing more than an invitation for discussion. The images that make up the historical memory of the people are divided vertically into nine conditional groups: the founders of the state (the rulers who made an outstanding contribution to the development of Russia), the great artists

toric events, heroes, science, literature, music, painting, memorable places, natural monuments; horizontally, "memory places" are divided into blocks of five columns each. The more significant the status of the block, the more intensively the images embedded in it are “propagated”. The first three blocks are the basis of ethnic memory, national self-consciousness, images, without the assimilation of which by the public consciousness it is impossible for Russians to self-identify, to distinguish themselves from others.

of other peoples, awareness of their place in the world. In addition, “places of memory” are obviously divided into stable (well-known, passed down from generation to generation: Alexander Nevsky, Peter the Great, Moscow, etc.) and unstable (not known, poorly recognizable: Standing on the Ugra, voivode Khabar, P.A. Stolypin, Speransky and others). "Places of memory" embedded in the second and subsequent horizontal blocks either have less significance for ethnic self-consciousness, or perform the function of fixing their semantic analogue - "places of memory" given in the previous block, for example, in the first block - Dmitry Donskoy, and in the second - Kulikovskaya battle, but this is acceptable for stable places of memory, unstable - Standing on the Ugra goes in one block with a semantic analogue - Ivan III.

Nationwide “places of memory” are taken out of the table: Great Russia, Orthodoxy, Russian language, Motherland, Moscow, St. Petersburg, personality, success, dignity, statehood, humanism, nation, which are the basic conceptual basis of national self-consciousness.

When developing a program of patriotic education and a system of "places of memory", it is important to take into account three points: trans-

the formation of positive "memory places" into negative ones; the system of "places of memory" should contribute to the development in the public mind of the ideas of statehood, messianism and national exclusivity, community and individualism in the above forms; it is necessary to revive in the national consciousness unfairly forgotten names (Ivan III, governor Khabar, Andrey Bogolyubsky, etc.), events, facts, etc. It is necessary to develop a program for the systemic assimilation of "places of memory". For this, it is necessary to actively use the media, the programs of preschool institutions, schools, secondary and higher educational institutions (including technical ones), literature, documentaries and feature films.

III. The implementation of the ideological concept and program of patriotic education should not turn into another attempt to manipulate public consciousness and rewrite history. This requires a competent approach to the historical fact underlying any ideologeme. The number of reliably known historical facts is always

limited, the possibilities for interpretation, on the contrary, are endless. Much depends on the goals and perspective of the interpreter. For example, the well-known fact of the withdrawal of Russian troops to Kremenets by Ivan III during the Standing on the Ugra in 1480 received two interpretations in the historical literature: 1) the behavior of the Russian command was indecisive, it was afraid to enter into an open clash with the Horde, which, also afraid of an open clash, left in the steppe; 2) the Russian command invited

enemy to an open battle, the Tatars got scared and went into the steppes. Or the fact that the number of losses of the Soviet army in the Great Patriotic War exceeded the number of losses of the Wehrmacht can be explained by the ruthlessness of the Soviet generals or the high heroism and sacrifice of the people.

When developing a patriotic ideology and a unifying national idea, the choice of interpretation should be explained by the interests of positive self-affirmation of the national spirit of Russians. The historian, like a doctor, must proceed from the principle of "do no harm." It is easy to destroy the traditional myth by introducing a “scientific” interpretation of this or that “place of memory” into the public consciousness. An example of such an interpretation is the works of I. N. Danilevsky, including "Russian lands through the eyes of contemporaries and descendants (XII-XIV centuries): a course of lectures." (M., 2001). In this book, undeniably high from a scientific point of view, following the English researcher J. Fennel (The Crisis of Medieval Russia. 12001304. M., 1989), a very controversial concept is asserted, according to which Alexander Nevsky was the culprit of the invasion of Russia by the Nevryuyev rati in 1252. and, in connection with this and a number of other events of his biography, is unworthy of the place that Russian cultural memory assigns to him. Offering an adequate replacement is a thousand times more difficult. At the same time, in no case should one renounce such facts of national history as the mass repressions of the 1930s, the defeat in the Crimean War, etc., one should neither whitewash nor make history more ancient. This is the lot of weak and unviable nations. A history like the Russian one is self-sufficient and does not need any improvement.

IV. The geopolitical position of Russia as an axial power - "Heartland" (Events taking place in Russia affect the whole world, and events taking place in the world affect Russia),

the center of attraction of the most diverse European and Asian cultures serves as a vital confirmation of the national exceptionalism and world-historical messianic role of Russia. An important role is played by the position of Russia as the center of the Eurasian civilization that has evolved since the time of the Golden Horde within Russia and the USSR. With all the differences, the peoples of the CIS have many common cultural features, the basis of which is the Russian language as the language of interethnic communication. The peoples of Central Asia and the Caucasus, under the influence of Russian culture, went through a serious school of Europeanization and differ significantly from neighboring traditional cultures. (The Turkmens of Afghanistan and Turkmenistan are a classic example.) It is important that the period of the parade of sovereignties and national nihilism has passed (or is passing). A new stage of integration is being planned, and how it will proceed depends largely on how the peoples of the Commonwealth (and the people of Russia, in particular) will understand it. The loss of the Eurasian status by Russia and the final rejection of Ukraine is unacceptable, as it can lead to the loss of the “pole of attraction” and the folding of the unipolar world system (perhaps this pole will be civilizationally alien China), which will lead to devastating consequences for humanity.

Russia is a recognized center of Orthodoxy, which can contribute to the gradual involvement of such Orthodox countries as Romania, Georgia, Serbia, into the orbit of the Eurasian civilization. Rapprochement with Ukraine and Belarus should play an important role in this, which will help strengthen the pole of attraction for the Orthodox Balkan region. Building strategic development plans

Russia, it is absurd to bypass national aspects, including the problems of the development of the state-forming Russian nation (based on postmodern dogmas: a civil nation, universal equality, integration of supposedly disadvantaged minorities). This is a dead end path that will lead to the numerical and qualitative degeneration of Russians, the emergence and development of new sub-ethnic groups, and, as a result, to the collapse of a great civilization. It is not too late to stop this process today. It is only necessary to face reality and start a discussion in the course of which to work out the concept of nation-building adequate to the modern needs of the development of society, the proposals for which we have outlined in this paper. The synergy of the project will make it possible tomorrow to stop degradation and degeneration, and the day after tomorrow to reunite the Russian people in their original geopolitical borders: from the Carpathians to Kamchatka.

LITERATURE

1. Assman J. Cultural memory, writing, memory of the past and political identity in the high cultures of antiquity. M., 2004.

2. Anderson B. Imagined communities. Reflections on the origins and spread of nationalism. M., 2001.

3. Langewiesche D. Nation, Nationalismus, Nationalstaat: Forschungsstand und Forschungsperspektiven // Neue Politiache Literatur. 1995. No. 40. S. 190-236; Nation, Nationalismus, Nationalstaat in Deutschland und Europa. Munich, 2000.

4. Schulze H. Staat und Nation in der europaischen Geschichte. Munchen, 1994.

6. Shenk Fridtjof Benjamin. Alexander Nevsky in Russian cultural memory. M., 2007.

7. Nora P. France - memory. SPb., 1999.

8. Khrapov V. Who is given as a hero to our children // Knowledge is power. 1990. No. 3.

Mother tongue is much more than a means of communication.

It is the basis of physical health, mental abilities, the right worldview, success in life.

And the endless reforms of the Russian language are destroying this foundation of national security.

Such surprising conclusions were reached by a well-known specialist in the history of the language, chief researcher of the Central State Library (the former "Leninka"), Doctor of Philology, Professor Tatiana MIRONOVA.

- In my scientific works and public lectures, I prove, - says Tatyana Leonidovna, - that every person has a linguistic genetic memory.

And the child - he does not just grab words from the air, he seems to remember them.

Here, all three of my children at a certain age, somewhere from two to three years old, "extracted" ancient language forms from themselves.

For example, for a month and a half or two they talked with the “yats”. (I could hear it well, because I am a language historian.) That is, they seemed to recall the ancient language. The most mysterious was where the child comes from with words that he has never heard anywhere: they are not in the speech of his parents, he does not go to kindergarten, we do not turn on the TV and radio for him. And suddenly - a whole stream of words comes out of him, which he seemed to remember.

- Who remembered them?

- Ancestors remembered. In the linguistic genetic memory of each person, the basic concepts of self-consciousness of previous generations are recorded.

Let's start with the main thing: IN THE GENETIC CODE OF THE RUSSIAN PERSON THERE IS A KEY CONCEPT "CONSCIENCE".

It is embedded in us by the thousand-year-old Orthodox consciousness and the entire linguistic culture of the Russian people.

The same can be said about other concepts of our self-consciousness. When they are “remembered”, maintained, developed, a person lives according to the laws of his ancestors, fulfills his destiny on earth and passes on his experience to descendants in the form of wave hereditary memory.

And vice versa, if he tries to drown out this memory with an unnatural way of life for a Russian person, then his abilities are curtailed, HE STARTS TO DEGRADE, becomes a burden to himself and others, DEGRAVES HEREDITARY PROGRAMS OF HIS KIND.

Now this danger threatens very many compatriots.

Indeed, in Russia, some wise men through the media are trying to deprive the people of the fundamental concepts that are stored in the memory of their ancestors, thereby dooming them to degeneration and assimilation.

The concepts of “CONSCIENCE”, “FEET”, “SACRIFICE”, “SERVICE” and so on were withdrawn from the media.

As a result, the older generation found itself in a foreign language environment, in a foreign society. People of this generation live in constant conflict with the surrounding reality and with themselves: one thing is inherent in them, but something completely different happens around them, to which they cannot adapt.

No less stressful is the fact that they do not recognize themselves in their descendants. Such a conflict undermines the health of people, provokes their illness and premature death.

Professor Gundarov showed this very convincingly in his writings: THE MAIN CAUSE OF THE EXTINCTION OF OUR PEOPLE IS NOT PHYSICAL CONSUMPTION, BUT A MORAL CRISIS.

- But this conflict is also experienced by people of the younger generation. After all, their genetic memory contains the concepts that make up the spiritual core of our people, but THIS ANCESTORAL MEMORY IS SUPPRESSED BY MEANS OF MASS STUFF.

- Quite right. It is impossible to betray ancestors with impunity: from this and drug addiction, and alcoholism, and suicide.

Moreover, studies by ethnopsychologists have shown that a foreign environment has a depressing effect on all the abilities of a child, even on physiological development.

If, for example, a ten-year-old Chinese is placed in a Russian environment, then he will become dumber and will get sick more often. And vice versa, if a Russian child is placed in a Chinese environment, then he will wither there.

- And in our country, Russian children are immersed in an English-speaking environment right at home: almost all the songs on radio and television are in English, most of the media promote American values. The school began to teach English from the first grade. By assimilating a foreign culture, do young people doom themselves to degeneration?

- This phenomenon is new and not fully understood. But the ethnopsychologists seem to be right.

That is, a foreign environment is a dangerous thing. And not just for a child.

If we studied properly the fruits of upbringing in exile, we would discover a lot of instructive things for ourselves.

After all, it is known that in the first generation of Russian emigrants there were many talented and even brilliant people who glorified their name. But these were people who were formed in Russia, who preserved the faith and traditions of their ancestors abroad.

And in the second and third generations, who adopted a foreign culture and forgot their own, there are very few famous people. It can be seen that the genus of Russian emigrants is degrading and, as it were, is dissolving into another ethnic group.

- It turns out, BETRAYAL OF FAITH, TRADITIONS, MEMORY OF THE ANCESTORS INEVITABLY MAKES A PERSON STUPID, SICKLY, CANDIDATED, TURNS HIM INTO THAT? And vice versa, following the precepts of ancestors is good for health, mind and soul?

- It's been known for thousands of years.

THIS IS THE BASIS OF ANY NATIONALISM: HONOR YOUR PARENTS WHO HONOR YOURSELF, AND SO FURTHER - THEN YOU WILL HAVE ALL BENEFITS, INCLUDING HEALTH.

The text was written for the Philosophical Assault forum. Dear Viktor! You touched on an interesting topic - about the formation of the consciousness of the people, its elite, the political elite, and individuals. I want to express my understanding of the problem.

They say that every nation has its own idea: the Russians have a Russian idea, the French have a French idea, and so on. I don't believe in this arrangement. All peoples have the same needs - material and spiritual - and they all think about the same thing: about bread, about security, about love, about knowledge, about laws (moral and legal), about beauty. About freedom. And they differ from each other only in the degree of advancement in the ways of satisfying needs and in understanding their goal, in understanding the meaning of life. It should be added: there are developed peoples, there are developing ones, and there are people living at the initial stage of civilization - cannibals and not cannibals.

Constant and cruel wars, mainly for territories, for land, force peoples to invent, produce, accumulate weapons. Constantly improve it. All other areas of life are pulled under the production of weapons. The military consciousness of the people is being formed - defensive ("trench") or offensive, aggressive. "If we do not kill them, they will kill us, life is a struggle, life is a war, war is the God of progress." Defenders easily go on the offensive, attackers easily go on the defensive. The intellectual elite creates the necessary theories and doctrines. The pinnacle of this trend in the development of consciousness is the Nazi doctrine. The Germans were not just fooled by Hitler's propaganda - their consciousness had a natural basis. Here, the defeat in the First World War, indemnity, economic confusion, and the mediocrity of the rulers of the Weimar Republic played a role. Have the Germans as a nation grown wiser today? They say they got smarter. However, I believe that this is only a surface, an appearance, and the militaristic spirit of the Germans has so far sunk to the bottom.

The suffering from famine forms the labor consciousness of the people and stimulates the development of production. Labor is the head of everything, labor created man. A work ethic is being created. The elite produces relevant ideas, writes economic theories. The bourgeois era has become the pinnacle of this trend. The people's consciousness was formed as a bourgeois consciousness. But "wormy" labor theories immediately appeared: it is important not to produce, but to share what is justly produced. “Fair is equal, half for you and half for me, but how I work is not so important.” As mushrooms began to grow socialist theories, their most radical variant appeared - Marxism. It cannot be said that Marxism grew simply out of a desire to "annoy" the prosperous bourgeoisie, another, latent, reason for its birth was to remove hunger from a significant part of the working people. However, there were politicians who made the Bible out of Marxist works, and turned Marx into God; Marxism has become like a religion. "Dividers" ruled Russia for 74 years. We survived this disease, although its recurrences will appear in our minds for a long time to come. Marxist ideology will hang over the country like a stinking cloud for a long time to come.

What deficit has caused the development of religious fanaticism among some peoples living under Islam and despising the West? Here we can assume the following: this is an inferiority complex, awareness of the general backwardness from Christian civilization. Awareness of their medieval way of life. I guess this is the reason. By the way, we Russians suffer the same and come up with all sorts of special traditions, divine and otherwise, which allegedly elevate us above the rotten West. Patriarch Kirill is trying very hard to propagate this position. And Marxism has taken root in our country not as a Western idea, but rather as an Eastern predilection for despotism. One can recall the cult of devotion to the party and its leader, contempt for the rotten intelligentsia in the Soviet era.

At first glance, it may seem that the consciousness of the people, freed from the despotism of a strong neighbor, will become freedom-loving. However, this does not always happen. The people can easily go from one "master" to another "master" and serve him with the same zeal. Or put your own dictator on your neck, no less bloody. However, most often, having swallowed slavery to its heart's content, he builds his own state based on freedom. An example is the Eastern European states that escaped from the Soviet embrace.

Has the split that the Bolsheviks introduced into the people into whites and reds disappeared? It has not disappeared, the surviving communist elite is trying to preserve and deepen it, it is very active in the media, especially on the Internet. Yes, only time, only new generations, can correct the situation here. Will it take 40 years, like Moses? I think more than 40 years. On the other hand, the Whites are also divided into "Slavophiles" and "Westerners"; but the main thing is that the political elite, on which the fate of the country depends, is divided. A very aggressive position is taken by some representatives of the former, supporters of totalitarian power, fans of Russian tyrants, real monsters (I will not name their names). And the “Westerners” have run out of steam, lost their trust, and now they are rebelling and even hooligans. Power occupies the center and skillfully maneuvers. This does her credit. Good luck! Wednesday 25 July 2012

Reuters photo

From the story of a front-line soldier: “When you had to advance at night, so as not to stray from the direction, they lit fires behind their backs.

Discussing the topic requires answering a number of questions. What is the memory of the people in contrast to the memory of the individual? What is a nation and how is its memory formed? What is its role in creating the image of the desired future?

The answer to the first question is usually based on the concept accepted in psychology, according to which the memory of an individual is his ability to retain perceptions and ideas after the moment of experience, and also to be their repository. And if we accept the definition of a people as a set of individuals, then we need to understand how a collective memory is formed from a set of individuals.

From the above definition of memory, its central place in the life of both the individual and the people is obvious, and it is also clear that without the assistance of memory in the process of thinking, we cannot go beyond the objects directly given to us, as well as construct images of the desired future. In connection with the problem of longevity, we can talk about the indefinite preservation of the content of the historical memory of the people. However, to maintain it in a "working condition" requires the efforts of the individual, society or government.

The term "people" can be interpreted in several ways. In ethnic, the most simple, the people are called the socio-biological community of people. The cultural aspect implies the existence of people in a community in which it is customary to be guided by the developed culture and recognized meanings and values, patterns of behavior and habits. In this case, the people are spoken of as a cultural community, for example, superior to others in "civilization" - including the quality of life, degree of upbringing, traditions and behavioral patterns, education, etc. In the case when the people or the authorities consider themselves as a political unity, as citizens, they speak of a nation.

Individual self-consciousness (as opposed to collective) has its sources of personal knowledge and personal experience. Both become memory over time. Individual memory as part of a person's self-awareness is always subjective, primarily due to the inherently unique qualitative characteristics of people. In addition, all together and each individually, people live in the world of culture, are involved in it to a different extent. And here the cardinal question is hidden: how, on the basis of the individually diverse (variable), does that “uniformity” (invariant) arise, which we call collective memory?

The process of creating collective memory is both spontaneous and purposeful. In the case of spontaneity, the mutual "adjustment" and leveling of the memory of many individuals occurs due to the existence of people in the field of culture as part of communities, which implies their free dialogue, mutual influence on each other, as a result of which collective memory is developed.

But there is another way to create collective memory, when individual memory is purposefully transformed - for example, by power. This is a more complex case: here freedom and chance are relegated to the background, but, on the contrary, a goal is set in accordance with which they try to give a strictly defined (sometimes even contradictory) content to the content of collective memory.

Let's turn to the concept of "power". There are many definitions for it. But if we single out the common in them, then to rule means to make a decision for another. In the case of the formation of a collective memory, the authorities may seek to change the memory of many individuals so that they become owners of a constructed collective memory with a unified content that best meets the goals of the authorities. However, goals may not necessarily be selfish. They are altruistic and kind. However, unlike the process of free formation of memory, in this case the scope of freedom is narrowed or even canceled altogether. What difficulties does the government face in this case?

First of all, this is the original (biological) diversity of people, which affects the content of their memory. Further, when it comes to the emergence of personal memory on the basis of individual experience, people always deal with a part of some general object (case) and, with a reasonable approach, are aware of partial knowledge and, accordingly, partiality of their memory. They are also ready to adjust their individual perceptions and ideas, to give their personal experience a holistic and coherent, collective character. But people also, importantly, have the right and expect this to happen of their own free will and through free participation.

At the same time, in the process of transforming individual memory into a collective memory, individuals not only have a readiness to combine parts into a whole, but they are also included in a discussion and competitive process that is opposite in nature. Each individual desires the most complete acceptance of his private and, perhaps, greater adjustment (leveling) of someone else's. This is due to the fact that people are guided not only by individual perceptions or freely accepted leveling collective influence. Through upbringing and education, they are immersed in the world of culture, in the world of meanings and values. The meanings and values ​​of culture change the perception and those ideas through which the individual receives personal experience. And they also act as a support that prevents an individual from correcting his personal experience (personal memory) under the influence of the “averaging” action of other individuals in the process of developing an integral collective memory. That is, in the case of free coordination among themselves of their individual memory, people rely on their cultural potential, compete with it.

It is this natural readiness to harmonize individual parts for the sake of the whole that power uses when it sets the goal of creating a people's memory that is pleasing (convenient) to it. Power, as a group of managing individuals who intend to make decisions for others, seeks to give this process a character that corresponds to its own interests. Carrying out the work of preserving its imperious status quo with the help of the memory, the authorities go further, also solving the problem of developing a common image of the desired future for the community.

Pursuing its goals in the formation of people's memory, the authorities are making efforts to work in several directions. First of all, it needs to change the collective folk memory, which contains knowledge about the past culture. In this memory, it is necessary either to replace the content (perhaps even partially destroying it), or to give new content to individual meanings and values ​​in culture, or to shift the emphasis, or, finally, to do everything together.

As an example of a partial change in people's memory through a change in cultural meaning, I will cite the case of "reformatting" the image of a famous character in the novel by A.S. Pushkin "The Captain's Daughter" by the nobleman Shvabrin. As we remember, when the rebels took the fortress, this officer changed his oath and went over to the side of Pugachev. For Pushkin, Shvabrin is a traitor. But in Stalin's Russia, his behavior was given a different interpretation. It was interpreted as the desire of the best part of the Russian aristocracy to support the people who rebelled against the autocracy. So, one well-known literary critic noted that “using the image of a rebellious officer-aristocrat - probably not without analogy with the heroes of December 14 - Pushkin wanted to substantiate his cherished thoughts about the proximity of the best Russian people not to the imperial throne, but to the masses of the people."

Often, when creating the people's memory it needs, the authorities need to change people's individual perceptions and ideas, individual memory. Let us recall the story of the reworking of Alexander Fadeev's famous novel The Young Guard. Having got acquainted with real events, as they appeared in the stories of living witnesses of the Donbass underground, the writer created the first version of the novel. However, she did not satisfy the then party leadership, and Fadeev, for the sake of the task set, had to redo the novel, introducing into it the party leadership of the Young Guard that did not exist in reality. Unable to withstand the pressure of the powerful millstones, the writer in his suicide letter reported that he could no longer live his former life and that he did not trust the people of power, “because you can expect even worse from them than from the satrap Stalin. He was at least educated, but these were ignoramuses. My life, as a writer, loses all meaning, and with great joy, as a deliverance from this vile existence, where meanness, lies and slander fall upon you, I leave this life.

Through two procedures - changing cultural meanings and manipulating individual memory - the government creates an official history that pleases itself and takes another step towards achieving the main goal - reformatting the consciousness of the people. And not only the current, but, more importantly, the next generations. This problem is solved in the commemoration procedure. Commemoration is a way of strengthening an old or even creating a new community on new foundations, including the subordination of the people to power based on its needs and tasks, for which new versions (interpretations) of past events, images, personalities are used. This is, in general terms, the technology of power manipulation of the historical memory of the people.

Powerful manipulation of people's memory is one of the modern forms of slavery: after all, a person is deprived of the right to make his own decision, to lead himself. This is a crime against freedom and morality.

However, the authorities do not always need to overcome the resistance of the people. Sometimes people voluntarily accept her willfulness. In this case, we are dealing not only with powerful violence, but also with the own immaturity of individuals. Immanuel Kant noticed this when he said that only with the help of enlightenment does a person get out of the state of immaturity, in which he is through his own fault. “Immaturity is the inability to use one's reason without guidance from someone else. Immaturity due to one's own fault is one that is not due to a lack of reason, but to a lack of determination and courage to use it without the guidance of someone else. Sapere aude! Have the courage to use your own mind! - such is, therefore, the motto of the Enlightenment.

Indolence and cowardice are the reasons why so many people, whom nature has long ago freed from foreign guidance (naturaliter maiorennes), still willingly remain minors for life; for the same reasons it is so easy for others to arrogate to themselves the right to be their guardians.

In the centuries that have passed since Kant, this has become evident. Not only education - the starting point of citizenship - is a condition for a person to exit from a state of minority. It must necessarily be accompanied by enlightened civic action.

In the context of what has been said, it is natural to think about the real situation in Russia. The creation of a people with a “new” consciousness and, accordingly, with a new collective memory is one of the long-standing and even traditional tasks solved in our country by legitimate autocratic power, by those who intend to seize it or actually established it. At the beginning of the 19th century, during the reign of Nicholas I, they tried to transform the consciousness of the people in accordance with the formula “Autocracy. Orthodoxy. Nationality". For this, philosophy, in particular, was expelled from universities - the main mentor of man in freedom of thought. The mouths of the daredevils who tried to speak were clogged with censorship gags. Pyotr Chaadaev, the author of "Philosophical Letters", was declared insane, Pushkin's creations were personally reviewed by the emperor. At the end of the 19th century, raznochintsy and revolutionary democrats predicted and actually worked to develop the consciousness of “new people”, with whom the high values ​​​​of culture were vulgarized or discarded. People "from the underground" crowded into the forefront of life, pushing aside the tenderness of the "little people" who had previously ousted the best of the nobles - people of honor and dignity. The Soviet government further labored with all its might to create a "communist man." However, even she failed to unite Makar Nagulnov and Stepan Kopenkin into a people's whole. Modern government does not shy away from such activities. The range of its actions is wide: from attempts to "moral" correction of Russian classical literature by eliminating the "lecherous" Katerina Kabanova and Anna Karenina from school courses to the idea of ​​tearing apart highly professional academic institutions into temporary creative teams.

What is common in attempts of this kind is the adaptation of culture to the momentary mercantile or status goals of power; ignoring the highest social goals - improving the quality of life and the quality of the person himself; absolutization of the role of the administrator-bureaucrat in the improvement of man; neglect and reduction to zero of personal freedom and self-organization of individuals.

Built into the context of cultural development, the memory of the people is the foundation of the desired future. First of all, this refers to spiritual culture as a complexly organized set of meanings, values, ideas and attitudes, developed and assimilated by members of the community. It is formed in a common history and is transmitted from generation to generation through the upbringing of children, the education system, religious practices, the work of the media, in everyday relationships between people.

In transitional periods of development (this is exactly what our society is experiencing), it is necessary to understand that not only the state, but also the citizens themselves, recognizing the imperfection of socio-political, economic and cultural life, are called upon to tune in to positive changes. It is important to treat reality not aggressively and negatively, but creatively and constructively, focusing not so much on the question “Who is to blame?”, but on the question “What did we do wrong and how to redo the wrong?” The living collective memory of the people helps to quickly find the necessary images of the desired future.

The situation with culture and related folk memory in Russia is specific in comparison with other countries. Indeed, in themselves they are a huge wealth that would help spiritualize and help in building a better tomorrow for more than one nation. However, for many, due to negligence, laziness and lack of curiosity, this golden reserve, like the fabulous city of Kitezh, remains invisible. We are also hindered by innate self-confidence and complacency, which are the greater, the less we are involved in high cultural patterns. As a result, society in a vicious circle reproduces an archaic, extremely centralized, corrupt system of government and public life, and the memory of the people easily becomes the subject of selfish manipulations. Today the past has become a field of intellectual struggle. And often they try to solve the problem either by forcibly imposing the “only true” understanding of history, or by avoiding answers to questions that supposedly “injure” the public consciousness.

Such options for the formation of people's memory are not only flawed, but also dangerous. And not only because it is still impossible to leave vital questions unanswered for a long time. The cultural degradation of the people is more dangerous, since subterfuge and manipulation are impossible without taking the public consciousness beyond the limits of culture, without turning the mass consciousness of the people into a barbaric consciousness, in which we always have true knowledge and are always right “we are heroes”, and falsifiers and liars “they are villains” .

The work to activate the values ​​and meanings contained in the national culture and demanded by modernity should be considered as the most important technology for the creative construction of people's memory, an honest understanding of the present, and the formation of realistic and responsible ideas about the desired future. And this work can be done only through the solidarity efforts of the active part of the thinking people and the authorities equally capable of thinking.

RESOLUTION OF THE ACADEMIC COUNCIL OF THE INSTITUTE OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE RAS

dated 05/12/15 following the discussion of draft documents

“On the program of fundamental scientific research…”; "Plan of structuring scientific organizations"; "On approval of guidelines for the distribution of subsidies"

Having discussed the texts of the drafts of these documents, the Scientific Council of the Institute of Philosophy of the Russian Academy of Sciences believes that they are aimed at a radical change in the organization of science and are unacceptable for two main reasons. First, it is assumed that now the tasks of scientists will be set by a bureaucratic body that is not directly related to science. What to explore and what discoveries to make in the next year and in the next five years for physicists, chemists, biologists, what to do for sociologists, psychologists, philosophers, now officials, not scientists, should decide. Secondly, it is the staffing. According to the documents, the bureaucratic body-customer representing the state will recruit leading scientists every five years on the basis of purely formal, scientometric criteria that are not related either to the preservation of scientific schools or to the creation of points of growth and breakthrough directions in science.

Procedurally, the draft of the new Program for Fundamental Scientific Research (PFSR) was submitted in violation of the current legislation: Federal Law No. 253 “On the Russian Academy of Sciences ...”, in accordance with Art. 17 of which the draft of such a Program should be submitted by the Russian Academy of Sciences, and not by the Ministry. The proposed structuring plan was created for the PFNI project, which has not yet been approved and, moreover, contradicts the approved and current Program of Fundamental Scientific Research of the State Academies of Sciences for 2013–2020.

The proposed changes, according to the authors of the document, are carried out "in order to develop interdisciplinary scientific research." However, the documents do not provide a clear idea of ​​the nature of interdisciplinary research and their place in the system of organization of science. Interdisciplinary research does not acquire the status of a new discipline, does not imply the formation of appropriate "interdisciplinary specialists" and exists within the framework of special forms of organization that do not cancel or duplicate the existing scientific and organizational forms in which the development of scientific disciplines takes place.

The new version of the PFNI and guidelines for the distribution of subsidies claim to fundamentally change the system of fundamental science management in the country by eliminating scientific self-government and ignoring scientific and disciplinary competencies. It is planned to create a new bureaucratic body with broad powers - a coordinating council for the program of fundamental research, which will determine priority areas for the development of science, approve the rubricator, the amount of appropriations for the implementation of promising projects, etc. In paragraph "c" § 2 Ch. VIII of the Program directly states that the topics of scientific projects included in the state task will be determined "directively by the managers of budgetary funds based on the significant tasks of socio-economic development."

The content of the Program is presented formally, in the form of a rubricator of areas and areas of available (modern) knowledge, but not key issues requiring research. Thus, in Appendix No. 1 (Rubricator), philosophy is represented by an arbitrary set of areas and areas of knowledge that do not reflect the entire spectrum of priority fundamental research in the field of philosophy and, in some cases, are poorly formulated. In particular, the enumeration “philosophy in the socio-cultural and spiritual space of Russia, logic and philosophical languages, philosophical problems of interdisciplinary research, issues of social philosophy, philosophy of religions, history of philosophy” demonstrates a purely formal approach to the formation of a rubricator, while in 2014 in a number of areas of knowledge, new rubricators adapted to modern research were proposed. These rubricators have been subject to expert and public discussion and have been adopted in detailed and short versions. In this case, such important areas of research in the field of philosophy as epistemology, the philosophy of science and technology, ethics, aesthetics, political philosophy, complex problems of studying a person, etc., completely fall out of the rubricator proposed in the PFNI project. By the way, without taking into account the results of these areas, it is impossible to qualifiedly determine the main priorities in the philosophical and humanitarian sphere.

We agree with the assessment of the trade union of the Russian Academy of Sciences, according to which the transition to a new system for the formation of a state task according to the methodology recommended by the Ministry of Education and Science will lead to a reduction in the number of researchers by about 3-4 times (or to a hidden reduction - the transfer of employees to part-time work): within state tasks will be provided with wages of no more than 30% of employees. Paragraph 7 of the draft guidelines establishes that “the amount of financial support for leading researchers should be at least 15% of the total subsidy”, but this percentage has no rational justification.

Within the framework of the Structurization Plan project, as a “new image of the network of scientific organizations”, instead of intelligible institutions, poorly distinguishable “centers” are introduced - national, federal, regional, thematic, as well as research and scientific. For socio-humanitarian knowledge, ambiguous structures are proposed - “higher schools”. First, we believe that it is categorically wrong to oppose the socio-humanitarian sciences to other types of fundamental research conducted within the natural and technical sciences. Secondly, we believe that the current system of academic institutions has not outlived itself; moreover, it can and should play a decisive role in the modernization of domestic science.

Noting the fundamental shortcomings of the documents submitted for discussion and opposing their adoption, the Institute of Philosophy of the Russian Academy of Sciences supports sound ideas about the need to develop the network organization of science. The institutes of the Russian Academy of Sciences actually play the role of coordinators, network hubs in established, constantly developing and restructuring network relations in the cultural and humanitarian field. No network is possible without reference points that play the role of network nodes. This role should be maintained, supported and strengthened in the light of the ideas and requirements of the documents submitted for discussion. It is and only the existing academic institutions, with appropriate internal reorganization, that can successfully play the role of such nodes. This follows from the gigantic personnel potential that they have accumulated and is confirmed by all recognized ratings and monitoring of publication activity. They are able to organize - and in fact have been doing this for a long time - scientific research at all levels, from the highest (world) academic to the level of popularization of science; play the role of a dessiminator (network distributor) of experience and knowledge through a wide network of horizontal connections with universities and other academic institutions; conduct a wide popularization work, through lectures and other types of network work with a wide audience.

It is quite obvious that the implementation of the measures proposed in the documents will not only not bring any benefit to Russian science, the state and society, but will have extremely detrimental social and cultural consequences, seriously and for a long time will disrupt the work of academic institutions. The proposed changes are aimed at strengthening centralization and bureaucratic control where autonomy, self-management and minimization of administrative costs are required. The time has come to abandon administrative-command methods in the management of science and fundamentally change the very style of communication with scientists.

The resolution was adopted unanimously at a meeting of the Academic Council on May 12, 2015.