Federal Agency for Education

State Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education "Moscow Institute of Steel and Alloys"

Novotroitsk branch

Department of Humanitarian and Socio-Economic Sciences

ABSTRACT on Russian history on the topic:

“Political parties in Russia at the end of the 19th century - 1917”

Completed by: student of group 06-16 Gartung A.V.

Checked by: Fatkhullina G.M.

Novotroitsk, 2007

PLAN.

Introduction

Chapter I . Radical parties

1. Russian Social Democratic Party (RSDLP)

a) Bolsheviks

b) Mensheviks

2. Socialist parties

a) Socialist-Revolutionaries (SRs)

b) Union of Socialist Revolutionary Maximalists (USRM)

c) Party of Left Socialist Revolutionaries Internationalists

(Left Social Revolutionaries) (PLSR (i))

d) Russian Radical Democratic Party (RRDP)

e) Russian Social Democratic Labor Party

(internationalists) (RSDLP(s))

Chapter II . Liberal Democratic parties

1 Constitutional Democrats (Cadets)

2 Radical Party

3 Democratic Reform Party

4 Labor People's Socialist Party

5 Liberal Republican Party

Chapter III . Moderate-conservative parties

2 Progressive Economic Party

3 Right Order Party

4 Commercial and Industrial Party

5 Moderate Progressive Party

6 Peaceful Renewal Party

7 Progressives Party

Chapter IV . Reactionary-monarchist parties

1 Russian monarchical union

2 Union of the Russian People (Black Hundreds)

3 Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel

Chapter V . National parties

2 Zionist-Socialist Workers' Party (USSR)

3 Russian Progressive Union

4 Socialist Jewish Workers Party

5 Moderate Right Party

6 All-Russian National Union (VNS)

Conclusion

Bibliography

INTRODUCTION

At the beginning of the 20th century, the process of formalizing political trends and movements began in Russia. This period was very significant for a country where democracy was practically absent.

In a relatively short period of time, a huge number of parties arose in Russia. From the end of the 19th century until 1920, there were about 90 of them. How can we explain such political activity? What influenced this process?

Unlike the West, the formation of a wide range of political parties in Russia was not the result of the democratic development of society, but, on the contrary, a consequence of the complete absence of democracy. The authoritarian regime acted as a brake on the progressive development of the country and almost all social groups and classes were in opposition to it, as a result of which the emerging political parties were not only anti-government in nature, but also illegal and subject to persecution by the government.

Russian society of this period is characterized by excessive social differentiation. Each class or social group was heterogeneous in its composition and within them there were numerous private interests (cultural, intellectual, national, property, religious, etc.). Such wide social differentiation gave rise to the desire of each social layer, group or class to have its own political organization. This contributed to the emergence of not only numerous parties, but also a wide spectrum from left to right within each of them.

It should be highlighted special role intelligentsia in the formation of parties. It was formed mainly along ideological, rather than professional or economic principles. Under the conditions of the autocratic system, it was torn away from the real political life. This contributed to the fact that the intelligentsia directed its efforts towards developing the most radical projects for transforming Russian society. The intelligentsia was at the origins of the creation of almost all political parties.

The policy of national oppression pursued by the tsarist government contributed to the growth of political activity of the peoples of the national borderlands and the emergence of a wide range of national parties and nationalist movements. If in the West the bourgeois parties were the first to form, and then the social democratic ones, then in Russia the first were the populist ones, then the social democratic ones, and only then (since 1905) the bourgeois ones.

Based on the listed features, parties should be divided depending on their political goals, means and methods of achieving them into socialist, bourgeois and landowner-monarchist.

CHAPTER I . RADICAL PARTIES.

1. Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP).

The formation of the party was prepared by the activities of the “Emancipation of Labor” group in 1883. which united the first Russian Marxist emigrants who lived in Geneva (G.V. Plekhanov, P.B. Axelrod, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deich, V.N. Ignatov). Members of the group translated into Russian and published a number of works by K. Marx and F. Engels, and in their works they criticized populism, contrasting it with Marxism as a scientific theory that is fully applicable, contrary to the populist doctrine, to the post-reform socio-economic development of Russia. The group members set themselves the task of forming a workers' party based on the theory of Marxism. In 1883-84. Plekhanov wrote the first program documents of the Russian Social Democrats. Social Democratic organizations became more numerous and stronger in the second half of the 1890s - the “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class”, formed in St. Petersburg (1895), Moscow, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, Kiev, Ekaterinoslav, as well as Bund(1897), who, continuing propaganda in workers' circles, moved on to distributing propaganda leaflets and led workers' strikes. From March 1 to March 3, 1898 The first congress of the RSDLP took place in Minsk, which proclaimed the creation of the RSDLP. In April, a manifesto written by Struve was published on behalf of the congress. In 1900 In order to unite the Social Democrats, Lenin, Yu.O. Martov and Potresov, together with members of the Liberation of Labor group Plekhanov, Axelrod and Zasulich, published the newspaper Iskra abroad and organized its distribution in Russia. As a result of a six-month discussion, members of the Iskra editorial board, mainly Plekhanov and Lenin, prepared a draft party program, presented to the second congress of the RSDLP (17.07-10.08.1903, Brussels-London). The RSDLP program adopted by the congress set out the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution (minimum program). The ultimate goal of the party's activities (maximum program) was declared to be the proletarian revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat with the goal of building socialism.

a) Bolsheviks.

Faction composed of Russian Social Democratic Labor Party(RSDLP). The name “Bolsheviks” reflected the results of the elections of the governing bodies of the RSDLP at its second congress (07.17. – 08.10.1903. Brussels – London). Bolshevism was a continuation of the radical line in the Russian liberation movement and absorbed elements of the ideology and practice of revolutionaries of the second half of the 19th century (N. G. Chernyshevsky, P. N. Tkachev, S. G. Nechaev). The composition of the Bolsheviks was not stable: the history of Bolshevism is characterized by constant changes in Lenin's inner circle - the only leader recognized by all Bolsheviks.

The Bolsheviks put forward the idea of ​​​​the hegemony of the proletariat, opposing, in their opinion, both the autocracy and the “liberal bourgeoisie” in the beginning of the revolution. Counting on the armed overthrow of the autocracy, the Bolsheviks were not immediately able to overcome their distrust of the non-party workers' organizations that arose during the revolution - the Councils of Workers' Deputies, trade unions; for the same reason they boycotted the elections to the 1st State Duma.

During the rise of the revolution, they acted together with the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, including in December 1905 in preparing and carrying out uprisings in Moscow and a number of other cities. Lenin explained the defeat of the uprisings by the insufficient preparedness and defensive nature of the actions of the rebels, concluding from this that we should continue to focus on the experience of the “October-November forms of movement” (the combination of economic and political demands in the strike struggle, the creation of rudimentary bodies of revolutionary power - the Soviets, etc. ). The course of revolutionary events and the demands of the workers who joined the party at that time forced the Bolsheviks to look for allies and take real steps towards restoring party unity. The Tammerfors Conference of the Bolsheviks (December 1905) spoke in favor of the merger of party centers and parallel local organizations; representatives of the Bolsheviks joined the Central Committee of the RSDLP, elected by the fourth (April 10 – 25, 1906, Stockholm) and fifth (April 30 – May 19, 1907, London) party congresses, retaining, however, the factional governing bodies - the Bolshevik Center (Lenin, Bogdanov, Krasin) and newspaper "Proletarian" .

In 1907, the Bolsheviks recognized the mistake of boycotting the State Duma, so the “left bloc tactics” were carried out in the elections to the Duma of the second convocation. At the fourth congress of the RSDLP, agreeing with the general opinion of the delegates on the need to confiscate landowners' lands, the Bolsheviks put forward two projects. The first of them, which was defended by Lenin, I.A. Teodorovich and others, provided for the nationalization of all land in the event of a complete victory of the revolution. The project of the minority of the Bolsheviks proposed to carry out the division of landowners' lands between peasants into ownership. However, none of the drafts was adopted by the congress. Despite the tactical rapprochement with other political forces, at certain moments of the revolution the ideological isolationism of the Bolsheviks intensified. Lenin and his supporters increasingly associated the effectiveness of revolutionary actions with the rejection of any ethical restrictions: when selecting party personnel, such individual qualities as adventurism and indiscriminateness in the means to achieve the goal were especially valued. During the revolution, the number of Bolsheviks grew from 14 thousand (summer 1905) to 60 thousand members (spring 1907). The defeat of the revolution forced many Bolsheviks to emigrate. In Russia, the decline of the mass revolutionary movement led to a sharp reduction in the number of illegal organizations; many of them have ceased to exist for a long time.

A sharp struggle against dissidents (otzovists) unfolded within the Bolshevik faction; they were accused of departing from the philosophy of Marxism. The exclusion of the otzovists, who subsequently formed the “Forward” group, secured Lenin’s position as the sole leader of the faction and interpreter of Bolshevism; his closest associates were G.E. Zinoviev and L.B. Kamenev. Lenin abandoned the search for compromises with other trends in the RSDLP and agreed to a final split with them in order to create an independent, ideologically homogeneous party.

Since April 1912, the legal daily newspaper Pravda was published in St. Petersburg, with the help of which it was supposed to distract the mass working reader from the tabloid press and, under the slogan of “unity from below,” to ensure its influence in social democratic organizations.

In an atmosphere of patriotic upsurge, which also affected part of the workers, the Bolsheviks occupied the extreme left flank among the few internationalists at the beginning of the war. A complete reorientation of the Bolshevik strategy and tactics occurred with the return of Lenin from emigration to Petrograd. In the “April Theses” he stated that in Russia the transition from the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the socialist one had already begun, and since without the “overthrow of capital” it was impossible to either end the imperialist war or solve general democratic problems, all state power should pass to the Soviets. Although Lenin repeatedly emphasized that the tactics he proposed in the April Theses were peaceful, the Bolsheviks made the most of the dual power that existed in the country and the instability of the political situation. The party's transition to the positions proposed by Lenin was facilitated by the influx of a mass of new members, whose revolutionary impatience reflected growing dissatisfaction with the policies of the Provisional Government; a significant part of this replenishment were soldiers. The slogans of the Bolsheviks "All power to the Soviets", "Down with the war", "Land to the peasants" became more and more popular. The first major breakdown of the forces of the Bolsheviks was an attempt made under the influence of agitation of the Military Organization under the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) by several military units of the Petrograd garrison on 3. - 07.04.1917. overthrow the Provisional Government. The putsch was followed by the arrests of the Bolsheviks and the beginning of a campaign against the leaders of the party. The Sixth Congress of the RSDLP (b) (26.07 - 03.08.1917, Petrograd) was held in the absence of Lenin and Zinoviev, who at that time were hiding from arrest. Reports on behalf of the Central Committee were made by Stalin, Ya.M. Sverdlov. Based on the conclusions made by Lenin about the current situation (power in the country has passed into the hands of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie; the period of peaceful development of the revolution has ended), the congress abandoned the slogan "All power to the Soviets" and declared the task of the "new upsurge" to be "the complete elimination of the dictatorship of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie" thus making a choice in favor of an armed seizure of power. After the Menshevik-Socialist-Revolutionary All-Russian Central Executive Committee rejected the Bolshevik resolution on power, Lenin demanded that the Bolshevik Central Committee begin preparations for an armed uprising in Petrograd and Moscow, taking advantage of the “Bolshevization” of the Soviets that was taking place at that time.

b) Mensheviks

This is a faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP), which took shape in an organized manner after the second party congress and received its name based on the results of elections to the central bodies of the party. The most prominent figures of Menshevism were Yu.O. Martov, P.B. Axelrod, G.V. Plekhanov, N.N. Zhordania, I.G. Tsereteli and other Mensheviks constantly broke up into groups that occupied different political positions and waged a bitter struggle among themselves. The Mensheviks considered the most important task of Social Democracy to be the organization of workers on a broad class basis.

The basis of the tactics of the Mensheviks in the period 1905-1907. lay views on the bourgeoisie as the driving force of the revolution, which should lead the liberation movement in the country. According to the Mensheviks, the revolution of 1905-1907 was bourgeois in its socio-economic content. However, unlike the Bolsheviks, the Mensheviks declared that any exclusion of the bourgeoisie from the revolutionary movement would lead to its weakening. The key point of the Menshevik concept of revolution was the opposition of the bourgeoisie to the peasantry. The peasantry, according to the Mensheviks, although capable of “moving forward” the revolution, would greatly complicate the achievement of victory with its spontaneous rebellion and political irresponsibility. The Mensheviks pinned their hopes either on the trade union movement or on the convening of a “general workers’ congress.” During the revolution of 1905-1907. The organizational and ideological unity of Menshevism was disrupted: strong reformist tendencies emerged in it (Axelrod), a center emerged (Martov), ​​“left” figures emerged (L.D. Trotsky) and a “special position” (Plekhanov).

In 1908 In Moscow, St. Petersburg and a number of other cities, a movement of Menshevik party members began to take shape, advocating the preservation of illegal party structures. Plekhanov supported them. The campaign for the reconciliation of all factions and trends in the RSDLP was led by Trotsky, who published in 1908-1912. in Vienna, the non-factional newspaper Pravda.

Since the beginning of the First World War, Menshevism split into patriotic and internationalist movements.

After February 1917 Menshevism became one of the most influential forces in the country, its representatives played a leading role in the Soviets of Workers' Deputies and occupied ministerial posts in the Provisional Government; The number of Menshevik organizations increased significantly. The cardinal problem that Menshevism faced in 1917 was the problem of the allies of the proletariat in the revolution. The answer to this question dictated tactics in relation to various political movements, the Soviets, and the Provisional Government. The Mensheviks still believed that there were no prerequisites for a socialist revolution in Russia. Therefore, they sharply criticized Lenin’s slogan of transferring power into the hands of the Soviets.

The crisis of Menshevism coincided with the crisis in the country. The October Revolution inflicted a political defeat on the Mensheviks. After the end of the Civil War, during the NEP period, the Mensheviks formally remained a legal party. In 1922 The Mensheviks were forced out of the Soviets. Party organizations also conspired at the beginning of 1923. finally went illegal. By the summer of 1925 Menshevism had “only a few or dozens” of supporters in the USSR, who were grouped in illegal cells and performed a kind of “liaison service” with the emigrant party center in Berlin; by the beginning of 1930 they completely disappeared.

2. Socialist parties.

a) Socialists - revolutionaries (Socialist Revolutionaries) .

At the end of the 19th century. The Socialist Revolutionary movement was a series of extremely secretive, closed circles of intellectuals. The development of the movement was hampered by constant repression by the authorities. At the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries. The question of the ideological renewal of populism arose as a pressing problem in the revolutionary movement. Changes took place in the Socialist Revolutionary movement itself, which was replenished, on the one hand, with old populists who had served hard labor and exile, and on the other, with extremist-minded youth who became victims of the autocracy’s persecution of students.

The Socialist Revolutionary party program included four main blocks, containing respectively the characteristics of the capitalism of that time, the international socialist movement opposing it, the unique conditions for the development of the Russian socialist movement and, finally, the rationale for the specific program of this movement with a consistent presentation of points relating to all main spheres of public life. Political democracy and the socialization of the land formed the core of the Socialist Revolutionary minimum program; its implementation was supposed to create the necessary prerequisites and provide conditions for Russia’s peaceful, evolutionary transition to socialism.

In relation to the autocratic police regime, the Socialist Revolutionaries were uncompromising and believed that it was possible to free themselves from it only by revolutionary violent methods. During the Revolution of 1905-1907, up to 200 terrorist attacks were committed.

The originality of the Socialist Revolutionary concept of the Russian revolution lay, first of all, in the fact that they did not recognize it as bourgeois. The ability of the bourgeoisie to become the head of the revolution and even to be one of its driving forces was also denied.

Already in the revolution of 1905-1907, a rather definite attitude of the Socialist Revolutionaries towards the Soviets emerged. They did not consider them the embryos of a new revolutionary power, but viewed them as a kind of organs of revolutionary self-government of one class, the main purpose of which was to organize and unite the dispersed amorphous working masses.

In January 1916, the Petrograd Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party developed and published theses, which stated that the main task of the day was “to organize the working classes for a revolutionary revolution,” since “only when they seize power will the liquidation of the war and all its consequences be carried out in the interests of labor democracy "

The internal history of the Socialist Revolutionary Party in 1917 is a history of struggle and compromise between three trends that gradually emerged within it: right, center and left, each of which had many different shades within itself.

The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk became a new impetus in the struggle of the Socialist-Revolutionaries with the Bolsheviks. In the ideology of this struggle, the idea of ​​​​restoring the independence and unity of Russia on the basis of the principles proclaimed by the February Revolution occupies a paramount place.

The civil war showed the failure of the Socialist Revolutionary hopes for the triumph of a “third force”, a democratic alternative. The Socialist Revolutionary Party emerged from the war significantly weakened. Its numbers decreased sharply, most organizations collapsed or were on the verge of this, a number of prominent party figures, especially right-wing ones, who were oriented in one way or another towards the White Guards and interventionists, found themselves in exile. In June 1920, the party leadership was reorganized and the Central Organizational Bureau of the Central Committee was created, consisting of members of the Central Committee and influential party members who had survived arrests. The political goal of the party in the new conditions remained the same - the struggle for democracy, as the only political system capable of ensuring the manifestation of popular independence, this basic condition for the final victory of the revolution and socialist construction.

With the arrest of the last members of the Central Bureau in 1925, the Socialist Revolutionary Party practically ceased to exist in Russia. Only the Socialist Revolutionary emigration continued to operate to some extent.

b) Union of Socialists-Revolutionaries Maximalists (USRM)

This is a group that separated from the Socialist Revolutionary Party at the end of 1904 and took the position of widespread use of terrorist struggle. In 1906, a founding congress took place in Finland, which transformed this group into the SSRM, which represented the extreme left wing of the Socialist Revolutionary movement. The USSR advocated the immediate implementation of the maximum socialist program (hence the name of the party), demanded the socialization of the land, industrial enterprises and the establishment of a “labor republic” in Russia, which was conceived as a transitional system after the seizure of power by the proletariat and peasantry. The essence of maximalism, according to the program, was that the upcoming revolution was conceived not as a political bourgeois revolution directed against tsarism, but as a labor, socialist revolution directed against the bourgeoisie. The maximalists considered terror to be the main tactical means.

Leaders and theorists of the SSRM: M.I. Sokolov, V.V. Mazurin, V.D. Vinogradov, G.A. Nestroev, G.A. Rivkin, A.G. Trinity. The center of the USSR in 1906 was St. Petersburg, where in the spring of that year Sokolov created a military organization that had numerous safe houses, workshops for the production of explosives, and weapons depots. On August 12, 1906, the SSRM blew up the dacha of Prime Minister P.A. Stolypin (the minister was not injured). In total in 1906-1907 Over 60 maximalist organizations operated and over 50 terrorist attacks were committed.

In 1908, as a result of the general decline of the revolutionary movement, as well as the actions of the authorities, who considered the SSRM as one of the “most dangerous and intolerant” revolutionary parties in the state, the number of its organizations decreased to 42, and in 1910 there were less than 10 of them.

After February 1917, the revival of the SSRM organizations began. In the summer of 1917, maximalist groups were being separated from Socialist Revolutionary organizations everywhere. Maximalist militants were part of the Red Guard of Petrograd and participated in the October armed uprising. The SSRM had representatives in the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee.

In 1918, ideological differences between the SSRM and the RCP (b) intensified. The maximalists opposed the dictatorship of the proletariat and the centralization of government in the area foreign policy The USSR protested against the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. Recognizing the need to create an army, the SSRM was against turning it into a regular one. In the spring of 1918, the first armed clashes between maximalist militants and the Bolsheviks took place.

In 1920 - 1922 maximalists held several All-Russian meetings, the last of which (February 1922) decided to unite with Party of Left Socialist Revolutionaries (Internationalists), which took place in September of the same year. However, this association soon ceased to exist.

c) Party of Left Socialist-Revolutionary Internationalists (Left Social Revolutionaries) (PLSR(i)). The predecessors of the PLSR were the “Union of Socialist-Revolutionary Maximalists” and the “Union of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries”. Of these, in 1909, an extreme left group took shape under the leadership of Ya.L. Yudelevsky and V.K. Agafonova. In 1912 -1914 The bearer of left-wing ideology was the legal magazine “Zavety”. After the February Revolution, the Left Social Revolutionaries united around the newspaper “Land and Freedom”. The Left Social Revolutionaries conducted anti-war propaganda and participated in anti-government actions.

At the third congress of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries formed the so-called “platform of 42,” which was based on the condemnation of the war as imperialist, the demand for its immediate end and Russia’s withdrawal from the war; condemnation of the policy of cooperation with the “bourgeois” Provisional Government pursued by the Socialist Revolutionaries; an immediate solution to the land issue in the spirit of the left-narodnik program for the socialization of the land. These views lay at the heart of the differences between the left opposition and the Party Central Committee.

By the fall of 1917, independent Left Socialist Revolutionary factions had taken shape in a number of Soviets. At the beginning of October 1917, they negotiated with the Bolsheviks on the issue of leaving the Provisional Council Russian Republic.

Subsequently, representatives of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries became part of the Petrograd RVC, the chairman of which was the Left Socialist Revolutionary P.E. Lazimir. At the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, the leaders of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries were elected to the presidium. The Left Socialist Revolutionary faction voted for the decrees proposed by the Bolsheviks.

After the October Revolution, the Left Social Revolutionaries took responsible positions in the Cheka (V.A. Aleksandrovich), in the Committee for the Revolutionary Defense of Petrograd (Spiridonova, M.A. Levinson), commanded military formations and fronts (M.A. Muravyov, A.I. Egorov ), held leadership positions in the navy (V.B. Spiro, P.I. Shishko), were part of the peace delegations at negotiations with the Germans in Brest-Litovsk (Mstislavsky, Karelin). The PLSR(s) supported the Bolsheviks in the Constituent Assembly and at the 3rd All-Russian Congress of Soviets (January 1918), which approved the first section of the Law on the Socialization of the Land. 02/20/1918 Left Socialist Revolutionary People's Commissars Proshyan and Karelin, along with V.I. Lenin, L.D. Trotsky and I.V. Stalin, entered the Executive Committee of the Council of People's Commissars. However, the tactical alliance of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks was short-lived. At the end of February 1918, at meetings of the Petrograd Committee and the Central Committee of the PLSR (i), as well as joint meetings of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) and PLSR (i), which discussed the issue of signing the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty, on 02.23.1918 at a meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries voted against making peace with Germany. At the 4th All-Russian Congress of Soviets (March 1918), the Left Social Revolutionaries declared themselves free from the agreement with the Bolsheviks and the recall of their people's commissars from the Council of People's Commissars.

The 2nd Congress of the PLSR(i) was held in Moscow in April 1918, at which the party’s political program was adopted, which approved the principles of social revolution (building a federation of Soviet republics, decentralization of management, syndicalization of production and socialization of the land). The congress, in a closed meeting, authorized the start of international terror to accelerate the world revolution. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee from the PLSR(i) sharply criticized the internal policies of the Bolsheviks: they opposed the decrees on the food dictatorship and the Pobeda Committees, as well as the exclusion of deputies from the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks from the Soviets.

In January 1919, an illegal conference of the PLSR(i) was held in Petrograd, which outlined measures to further intensify the work of the party. The left-wing Socialist Revolutionary magazine Znamya began publishing in Moscow. IN large quantities Propaganda materials were published. Under the influence of the agitation of the left Socialist Revolutionaries, in February 1919, strikes began at Tula arms factories and in railway depots, and workers' protests in Petrograd were being prepared. In this regard, the authorities began a new campaign of repression against the Left Socialist Revolutionary opposition. From March to July 1919, 45 Left Socialist Revolutionary organizations were discovered and liquidated.

d) Russian Radical Democratic Party (RRDP). The predecessor of the party was the Petrograd circle of radicals, which arose in 1915, which included D.N. Ruzsky, M.V. Bernatsky, M. Gorky. These persons in the fall of 1916 decided to create the RRDP. The founding meeting of the party took place on March 11, 1917. in Petrograd, but already at the end of March, part of the left-wing Cadets and former Duma progressives joined the new formation, who completed the final formalization of the RRDP. These figures significantly modernized the Narodnik-Menshevik draft party program, published in May 1917.

From this Project it followed that on the issue of state building, the radical democrats advocated a democratic federal republic headed by a president elected “from full citizens of both sexes for a term of no more than 4 years” on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage. . The legislative power remained under the jurisdiction of the State Duma, the executive power - under the Council of Ministers, elected by the Duma from among itself and responsible to it.

The RRDP put forward a programmatic demand for democratization and complete independence local government, demanding expansion of its competence and improvement of local finances. On the national question, radical democrats advocated the creation of a State Council of Nations and the consistent implementation of a federal principle without infringing on the rights of various nations. On the land issue, the RRDP demanded the formation of a special state land fund from state appanage, monastic and privately owned lands, for the transfer of the organization of land relations to local government, as well as the introduction of an income tax on land. On the labor issue, members of the RRDP spoke out for the introduction of an 8-hour working day, the prohibition of overtime and night work, and the possibility of creating trade union and workers' organizations.

In the field of education and religion, radical democrats proposed the creation of a coherent system of secular education with compulsory free education at the initial stage; demanded the separation of church and state. On the military issue (in the context of the ongoing 1st World War), the radical democrats advocated “war until victory in agreement with the allies.” At the same time, they declared the need to reduce the length of military service, to prepare trained reserves, to improve the financial situation of soldiers, and to eliminate privileges in the army.

From July 16, 1917 in Petrograd, radical democrats published the daily newspaper “Fatherland”, from September 1917. in Moscow, the newspaper “Svobodnoe Slovo”.

In September 1917 The Provisional Council of the Russian Republic from the RRDP included Ruzsky, Pozner and Slavinsky. At the same time, the RRDP held its party conference, where it proclaimed unification with Liberal Republican Party and the creation of a joint Central Committee.

The RRDP did not qualify for the elections to the Constituent Assembly. The next party conference of the radical democrats was expected on October 20-22, 1917. (Information about its implementation has not been preserved). The last fragmentary information about the party activities of members of the RRDP dates back to the same time (October-November 1917).

e) Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (Internationalists) (RSDLP(s)). The party originated from a group of so-called “non-factional Social Democrats”, who occupied intermediate positions between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks - internationalists. After the February Revolution, members of the group B.V. Avilov, V.A. Bazarov, V.P. Volgin, V.A. Desnitsky, N.N. Sukhanov and others united around the newspaper “New Life” and launched corresponding work, striving for ideological, organizational and political unity of various groups of Russian democracy. They preferred the path of forming their own party, first establishing the “Organization of United Social Democratic Internationalists” and local bodies in a number of large cities: Moscow, Vologda, Kazan, Perm, etc. 10/18-22/1917. The 1st conference of the organization was held with the participation of delegates from 4 thousand members. It discussed current issues and adopted a political platform. The essence of the latter was to deny the possibility of the victory of the socialist revolution in Russia and the need to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. According to the organization's leaders, Russia should become a democratic republic led by a strong parliamentary government, but without a president. They tried to defend this idea at the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets, supporting Martov’s proposal to create a homogeneous socialist government on a multi-party basis. Some of the united internationalists joined the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the RSFSR, where they played the role of opposition.

January 14-20, 1918 The organization of United Social Democratic Internationalists took shape as a party called the RSDLP(i).

At the founding congress in Petrograd, the focus of the delegates of the congress was on two questions - about the current moment and about power and about the attitude of the RSDLP (i) to other socialist parties. In the resolutions adopted on them, the congress determined the political face of the party, its strategy and tactics. First of all, the socialist character of the October Revolution was denied and it was said that it was impossible to build socialism in one country. At the same time, the armed struggle against the Bolsheviks was condemned, and the thesis was put forward about their ousting from all bodies government controlled, including through re-election of the Soviets. As for the second question, there was no such clarity here. On the contrary, during its discussion, a very wide range of opinions emerged - from rejection of the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks in general to the affirmation of the need for close cooperation with each of the parties. But events developed in such a way that the RSDLP(i) gradually moved closer to the RSDLP(b). A gradual turn of the RSDLP (i) towards cooperation with the Bolsheviks began in the fall of 1918, when on November 7-10, 1918. The All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (i) spoke out in support of Soviet power and for the entry of party members into the Red Army. The Central Committee of the RCP(b), in turn, sent a circular letter to local party organizations, in which it ordered not to create obstacles for internationalists to participate in responsible military work. This brought the positions of both parties somewhat closer and contributed to the establishment of appropriate contacts between them.

A discussion began within the party about the possibility of merging with the RCP(b). In accordance with the decision of the party conference, this issue was brought up for discussion at the next conference of the RSDLP(i), which took place in January 1919. As a result of the exchange of opinions and reports from the field, the delegates came, on the one hand, to the conclusion that there was everything necessary to unite the two parties, first of all, the elimination of differences on the ways of the struggle for socialism through the dictatorship of the proletariat, and on the other hand, they considered it premature to merge with RKP(b). This contradictory decision was explained by the following main reasons: the RCP(b)’s incorrect and extremely harmful denial of proletarian democracy, which was interpreted very broadly - from the free election of the Soviets to complete openness, from the need to strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat to the elimination of the dictatorship of the party over the proletariat; the absence of revolutionary law and order in the country, the arbitrariness of certain groups and individuals, and the granting of exclusive powers to communist cells. The RSDLP(i) wrote that the danger of moral decay and transformation of the RCP(b) “into a self-sufficient privileged apparatus feeding on the proletariat has caused a healthy reaction among old members of the Bolshevik Party, who are raising the question of a severe purge of their ranks from all elements that have clung to it.” The internationalists rejected the proposal to merge the RSDLP(i) with the RCP(b). The internationalists moved towards rapprochement and then unification with another small party - the Russian Party of Independent Social Democratic Internationalists, created in the summer of 1918. on the basis of a group of left-wing social democrats-internationalists who broke away from the RSDLP(i). Their joint congress, which went down in history as a congress of social democratic internationalists of all trends, took place on April 15-19, 1919. in Moscow. The congress spoke in favor of cooperation with the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in the implementation of common goals and objectives, but diplomatically avoided the issue of merging communists and internationalists, considering the existence of an independent Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party necessary. In the subsequent period, the RSRPI became increasingly closer to the RCP(b) and gradually lost the role of the opposition. In December 1919 the question of its merger with the Bolshevik Party again arose. Moreover, on the initiative of the Central Committee of the RSRPI, which on December 13 made a corresponding statement, expressing a desire to carry out its merger with the RCP (b) at the upcoming party congress. The Politburo agreed, and on December 19, at the RSPRI congress, the issue was resolved positively.

CHAPTER II . LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC PARTIES.

1. Constitutional Democrats (Kadets).

One of the most influential political parties, representing the left wing of Russian liberalism. The first drafts of her programs were developed on the pages of an illegal magazine "Liberation", published from July 1902 to October 1905 in Stuttgart, edited by P. B. Struve. The core of the party was formed from among the participants of two liberal organizations "Union of Liberation" and "Union of Zemstvo-constitutionalists". The party took shape organizationally at its first congress, held in Moscow on October 12-18, 1905. The cadets advocated radical reform of the socio-political system in all its key links. The party advocated the creation of a ministry responsible to the State Duma, the democratization of local government and the courts.

Focusing on Western models of parliamentary systems, the Cadets sought to strengthen a normal democratic rule-of-law state in Russia. In the social field, the main attention was paid to the agrarian issue, the solution of which was envisaged by allocating land to landless and land-poor peasants. The work program included the liberalization of relations between workers and employers; contained a number of requirements for social protection of labor: the gradual introduction of an 8-hour working day.

The Cadets declared their party to be non-class, emphasizing that its activities are determined not by the interests of any social group, but by the general needs of the country's development.

The social composition of the party was heterogeneous. It included primarily the intelligentsia, part of the liberal nobility. In 1906-1907, employees, clerks, workers, teachers and others also joined its grassroots organizations. The intellectual potential of its leadership was unusually high. It included prominent scientists, professors from capital universities, famous lawyers, public figures, and publicists. The party was distinguished by a diverse national composition.

The party's position was characterized by wait-and-see and rejection of radical forms of class struggle. In the winter and spring of 1906, the Cadets concentrated their main efforts on conducting an election campaign for the First State Duma. On behalf of the cadet faction, the main bills were introduced or prepared for introduction: on the abolition of the death penalty, on personal inviolability, on the basic provisions of civil equality, on freedom of assembly, a statement by 42 members of the Duma on the basic principles of land reform, and others. In June 1906, the cadet leaders held negotiations with representatives of the liberal circles of the bureaucratic elite: P. A. Stolypin, A. P. Izvolsky, D. F. Trepov regarding the inclusion of cadets in the future responsible ministry. The negotiations did not have any concrete results.

During the elections to the Second State Duma, the Cadets somewhat reduced the program of their demands. Wary of giving the authorities a reason to dissolve the Duma, the Cadets nevertheless sharply criticized government measures more than once in their speeches. They voted against Stolypin's agrarian legislation.

In the Third State Duma, amendments introduced by the Cadets to government bills were aimed at easing the situation of the working people.

During the discussion of the budget, the faction spoke out in favor of rejecting loans for the Stolypin agrarian reform and for the Police Department. In the conditions of the June Third regime, the conditions for the party’s activities became significantly more complicated.

On 02/16/1908, the Senate finally refused to legalize the party.

Understanding the lessons of the revolution, the prospects for the liberation movement in Russia, and the role of the intelligentsia in it led to disagreements within the cadet leadership, which, however, did not lead to organizational demarcation.

Party activity has revived in connection with preparations for the elections to the Fourth State Duma. From the very beginning of the Duma, the cadet faction introduced the following bills: on universal suffrage, freedom of conscience, meetings of unions, and personal inviolability. The faction later introduced a bill on land lease reform. With the declaration of war, the Cadets abandoned their opposition to the government. The appeal of the Central Committee “To like-minded people” dated July 21, 1914 proposed postponing disputes and restoring internal peace.

On the initiative of the Cadets, the inter-party “Progressive Bloc” was created in August 1915. The bloc's program formulated the conditions under which liberal circles hoped to restore the unity of society and government. But the emperor’s stubborn reluctance to make concessions negated the results of the Cadets’ parliamentary tactics. The party lost influence on the development of events. During the February Revolution, the Cadets took an active part in the formation of new government bodies. They have a leading role in the formation of the Provisional Government.

Over time, the influence of the Cadets in the government begins to steadily decline. The party's policy, aimed at consolidating the “state-minded forces” and restoring strong and firm power and order in the country, did not find public support. In the face of the revolutionary elements spiraling out of control, the growing economic collapse, and the threat of the territorial dismemberment of Russia, the majority of the cadet leadership supported plans to establish a temporary military dictatorship in the country. The Cadets were active participants in the struggle against those who came to power Bolsheviks. The cadets helped organize sabotage of officials. The Central Committee approved the decision on the inadmissibility of serving under Soviet power for party members. The cadets played a leading role in the Moscow underground organization "Nine", created in November 1917 with the aim of rallying anti-Bolshevik forces. This organization was engaged in raising funds for the needs of the emerging “White Army”. The resolution of the Council of People's Commissars of November 28, 1918 declared that the Cadets were declared a party of “enemies of the people”; members of its leading institutions were subject to arrest and trial by revolutionary tribunals. Despite the decree outlawing the party, until the end of May 1918 it had certain opportunities for activity.

Organized in November 1918, the Eastern Department of the Central Committee assumed the functions of one of the advisory bodies under Kolchak. At the same time, the cadets provided ideological and organizational assistance to General N. N. Yudenich. In February 1919, the cadets became part of the Special Meeting formed under General A. I. Denikin, and also supervised the work of the Information Agency, which collected secret information about political parties, organizations and individuals. In the circle of General Wrangel P.N., the cadets did not play any significant role.

Against the background of the defeats of the “white” armies in the south and in Siberia, the cadets, aware of the negative consequences that the military dictatorship had in practice, changed tactics and began to develop plans for the liberalization of power. A significant part of the cadets moved abroad in the spring of 1920, thereby opening the emigrant period in the history of the party.

Since 1922 political activity cadet groups begins to decline rapidly. And on December 14, 1922, at a private meeting of cadets in Berlin, the question of self-dissolution of the party arose due to its actual inaction both in Russia and abroad.

2. Radical Party.

Created by members of the Unions of Lawyers, Doctors, and Railway Workers in October–November 1905 in St. Petersburg. The leader of the party was attorney M. S. Margulies. The central organizing committee of the Radical Party was located in St. Petersburg. The committee included, in addition to Margulies, A. S. Ginzburg, L. M. Reingold and others. The first general meeting of the Radical Church took place on November 27, 1905.

The short program of the party (the original version was approved at the meeting on November 3, 1905) was published in the newspaper Birzhevye Vedomosti. The “Draft Detailed Program of the Radical Party” was supposed to be approved at the All-Russian Congress of the Radical Party (it did not take place). As a result, the party program was not finalized. A characteristic feature of her project are noticeable socialist tendencies. The Radical Party itself explained this fact by its desire, together with the socialist parties, to implement the “principle of democracy in its purest form.”

To decide the fate of Russia, the Radical Party demanded the immediate convening of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage. A democratic republic was proclaimed to be the most perfect form of political system. The party defended a unicameral parliament, broad local self-government, and the provision of national and political autonomy to the peoples inhabiting the Russian Empire. Future Russia Party members imagined it as a federation of autonomous territorial units - united Russian states. The radical party defended individual freedom, political and legal equality of all citizens, regardless of gender, nationality and religion. On the agrarian issue, the Radical Party was a supporter of the formation of a state land fund through the gratuitous expropriation of state, cabinet, monastic and church lands.

But by the end of January 1906, the party recognized it as impossible in the current situation to achieve its main goal - the convening of the Constituent Assembly. The Radical Party decided to take part in the elections to the first State Duma, but it failed to win over its members. In February 1906, disagreements began within the party. In March-April of the same year, the party virtually ceased to exist.

3. Democratic Reform Party.

The party was formed in December 1905 in St. Petersburg. The founders are two groups of liberal intelligentsia: members of the editorial board of the journal “Bulletin of Europe” M.M. Stasyulevich, K.K. Arsenyev, V.D. Kuzmin-Karavaev, as well as professors of the St. Petersburg Polytechnic Institute K.P. Boklevsky, A.G. Gusakov, I.I. Ivanyukov, A.P. Makedonsky and others. The organizing committee also included lawyer D.V. Stasov. Party leader – M.M. Kovalevsky.

Among the political parties in Russia, the Democratic Reform Party occupied a middle position between Constitutional Democratic Party and Peaceful Renewal Party. Published in January 1906. program, the party dissociated itself from extremely radical and conservative parties. The Democratic Reform Party denied the possibility of a sudden revolution in the social system, advocated the elimination of the remnants of the bureaucratic regime and recognized the need for fundamental changes in the life of the country. the party was opposed to the convening of the Constituent Assembly and the granting of voting rights to women. The political program of the Democratic Reform Party boiled down to two basic principles: a constitutional monarchy with a parliament with legislative functions and separation of powers. The most developed was the agrarian section of the program, which consisted of a number of ready-made bills. The goal of the agrarian policy of the Party of Democratic Reforms was declared to be “a radical change in the economic conditions in which the villagers who cultivate the land with their own labor are placed.” It was proposed to form a state land fund from state, appanage, cabinet, monastic and privately owned lands. Land from the state fund was allocated to peasants for indefinite use (community or household, depending on local conditions) for a fee established by law. The agrarian program of the Democratic Reform Party included a set of measures aimed at streamlining rental relations.

On the labor issue, the program of the Democratic Reform Party contained demands for a shorter working day, improved working conditions, and the introduction of a social insurance system.

The Democratic Reform Party linked the solution to the national question with the preservation of a united and indivisible Russia and the provision different peoples cultural-national autonomy.

The leaders of the Democratic Reform Party feared that strict organizational frameworks would restrict freedom of discussion within the party, so to become a member of the party it was enough to share the main provisions of the program. Despite repeated attempts by the leadership, the party was not officially registered, but the leaders were able to hold a number of party meetings.

During the election campaign for the 1st and 2nd State Dumas, the Party of Democratic Reforms promoted the idea of ​​a bloc of constitutional forces, the formation of a constitutional center in the Duma, and considered it possible to unite the political actions of the Cadet Party, the Party of Democratic Reforms, the Party of Peaceful Renewal and left-wing parties that rejected violence (Mensheviks, People's Socialists). The party did not have an independent faction in either the 1st or 2nd Dumas and collaborated with the Cadets. However, the influence of the Party of Democratic Reforms in the Duma was quite strong thanks to the personal authority of Kovalevsky, Kuzmin-Karavaev and Prince S.D. Urusova.

In March 1906 The Democratic Reform Party merged with Moderate Progressive Party under the general name of the People's Welfare Party. By the end of 1907 The Democratic Reform Party existed “in name only.” Some members of the Democratic Reform Party joined the Peaceful Renewal Party, and then the Progressives.

4.Labor People's Socialist Party.

The Labor People's Socialist Party (TSP) or ES officially declared itself in September 1906. The initiators of the creation of the party and its ideologists were: A.V. Peshekhonov, V.A. Myakotin, N.F. Annensky and others. Most of them began their social and political activities in the 80s. XIX century, adjoining the left flank of legal populism, headed ideologically by one of the patriarchs of this trend, N.K. Mikhailovsky, who saw the primary tasks in liberating the country from autocracy and eliminating the oppression of exploitation from which the many millions of Russian peasantry suffered, but doubted the possibility of revolution in Russia in the form of a mass popular uprising and therefore attached great importance to the rapprochement of the revolutionary intelligentsia with liberal social circles for the sake of the common goal of political liberation. At the same time, they waged a fierce ideological struggle with Russian Marxists, which ultimately boiled down to the question of what Russia’s path to socialism should be. In this struggle they acted together with the ideologists of the emerging Socialist Revolutionary movement. The Socialist Revolutionaries and Socialist Revolutionaries represented two currents in neo-populism: moderate and radical. In the process of delimitation of the intelligentsia into political parties, caused by the revolutionary events of 1905-1907, the populists of “Russian Wealth” did not immediately find their niche. They did not follow the liberal elements of "Osvobozhdeniye" in Constitutional Democratic Party, disagreeing with them on two main issues of the revolution: the content and form of political power in post-autocratic Russia and the agrarian question.

The intention to create their own party first appeared among the populists of “Russian Wealth” after the publication of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905. They prepared a corresponding official statement, but the matter took a slightly different turn. An agreement was reached with the Socialist Revolutionary leadership on the creation of a broad legal populist socialist party, but the congress of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which took place shortly after the defeat of the Moscow armed uprising in the context of the unfolding government reaction, recognized the idea of ​​such a party as untenable. Together with other leftist forces, the populists boycotted the elections to the 1st State Duma, however, when it became clear that the masses, especially the peasantry, did not support the boycott, they quickly reformed and took an active part in organizing peasant deputies in the Duma into a special Labor group in the State Duma. Their ideas formed the basis of the program of this group and its agrarian project “104”, which expressed the interests of the majority of the peasantry in the Revolution of 1905-1907.

The political situation in the country was extremely unfavorable due to increased government repression and a sharp decline in mood in society; the liberal populists of “Russian Wealth” finally decided to openly declare their intention to create an independent political party, which, according to the plan, was not only supposed to say a new word in the liberation movement, to lead it out of the deadlock, but also to rally around itself those elements of the Cadets and Socialist Revolutionaries who were expected to leave these parties due to the crisis they were experiencing.

The 1st founding conference of the party took place in November 1906. in Finland. The main provisions of the party’s program and its tactics for the election campaign to the 2nd State Duma were discussed. The program stated that “there is nothing higher and more precious than the human personality and the essence of historical progress lies in its comprehensive development and endless improvement.” The party saw its ultimate goal in providing all people with the opportunity for a “full and free life” and each person with the opportunity for “comprehensive and harmonious development.” Socialism was proclaimed to be the ideal social system capable of providing such opportunities.

According to the Socialists, socialism had to gradually grow into capitalism, just as capitalism at one time grew into feudalism. At the same time, socialists were not given passive role observers of this process, and they had to actively intervene in it, accelerating and directing it.

Based on the prevailing conditions in the country and the relationship between opposing social and political forces, the Popular Socialists considered it necessary and possible to insist on the fulfillment of the following demands, which together constituted the party’s platform until 1917. In the political sphere:

1) in the field of personal rights: equality of all citizens before the law; destruction of classes; assertion of freedom of conscience, speech, press, assembly, unions and movement; inviolability of person, home and correspondence;

2) in the field of public administration: the implementation of democracy in the form of representative government.

The party platform also contained such demands as the abolition of all exceptional and special courts and the introduction of a public and independent court, equal for all citizens, with elected judges and juries; establishment of criminal and civil liability of officials before the court.

Among the requirements of the platform related to the national economic sphere, paramount importance was given to requirements in the agricultural sector. The party considered it necessary to achieve, first of all, the nationalization of the land, i.e. turning it into public property with the right to use it only by those persons who will process it with their personal labor. In nationalization National economy and the lands of the Socialists saw the way and means to facilitate progress towards the desired goal - socialism.

On the labor issue, the platform noted the following demands: legislative introduction of a maximum working day and minimum wage; expanded participation of workers in the management of industrial enterprises; freedom of strikes and trade union organizations; occupational Safety and Health; workers' insurance, etc.

It was assumed that the party would include representatives of the entire populist movement, from the conspiratorial Socialist Revolutionaries to the legal populists. Having organizationally united the broad masses on their platform, the Popular Socialists hoped in this way to bring out social movement out of the dead end in which it then found itself, on the one hand, saving it from spontaneous anarchic impulses, and on the other, making it a reliable and manageable support not for extremism, but for reformism, the possibilities for which became a reality with the advent of the legislative Duma. They failed to create a mass open socialist populist party. Even in the best period for the party, the Second Duma, there were no more than 50-60 groups with about 2 thousand members. In terms of its social composition, the party was predominantly intellectual. Regarding tactics, the Popular Socialists stated that it should be reduced to such forms, methods, techniques and means that would correspond to the “open” existence of the party. However, the Popular Socialists did not have sufficient clarity and certainty on issues of tactics.

The issue of participation in the Duma election campaign was finally resolved by the 1st party conference. The Popular Socialists saw the best option in creating a bloc of opposition forces, including the Cadets, capable of preventing the right-wing forces from winning the elections. The Enes had no illusions that social issues that affected the fundamental interests of the masses could be resolved in any fair way in the Duma. The Duma, according to the Popular Socialists, could play a significant role in the struggle with the government for the convening of the Constituent Assembly. This requires, first of all, unity of action among the opposition forces in the Duma itself. During the work of the Duma, the influence and authority of the Popular Socialists increased noticeably.

In the post-revolutionary period, the Stolypin agrarian reform caused serious concern among the Popular Socialists. The 3rd conference called “an extremely important task” for the party to mobilize the rural population in order to paralyze the decree of November 9, 1906. and “the indiscriminate sale of land through the Peasant Bank, whose purpose is only to create discord in the ranks of the peasantry.” However, these and other recommendations and resolutions remained on paper, because within just two post-revolutionary years, the Popular Socialists as a party disappeared from the political arena.

The February Revolution marked the beginning of the revival of the party. Organizational work took place in the center and locally, but in its scope and pace it was inferior to the work of other socialist parties, especially the Socialist Revolutionaries. By the opening of the 1st All-Russian Party Congress (June 17-21, 1917), there were about 400 organizations with a total number of about 5 thousand people. The meeting clarified the political platform of the party, strongly speaking out for the establishment of complete democracy in Russia in the form of a democratic republic. The detrimental nature of dual power for the success of the revolution was noted, and it was also emphasized that only a properly elected Constituent Assembly is competent and capable of establishing an order in the country that meets the interests and will of the people.

The Popular Socialists saw Russia as a democratic parliamentary republic, and not a republic of Soviets. On the issue of war, it is stated that the party is against the aggressive goals of war and at the same time against the immediate conclusion of peace. The war must be waged energetically, and the question of concluding peace “can only arise in connection with the cleansing of territories belonging to Russia.

The extremely weak influence of the party among the masses is evidenced, first of all, by the results of elections to local government bodies and the Constituent Assembly. Thus, in the elections to the Petrograd City Duma (August 1917), the Socialist Revolutionaries received 3 seats, while the Socialist Revolutionaries received 71. At the same time, the significant intellectual potential of the party, the high level of education and professional training, and the practical experience of party members provided it with noticeable representation in administrative structures government agencies and public organizations.

Party policy in 1917 and the subsequent time was based on the conviction that socialism in Russia is not on the agenda, that there are neither material nor spiritual prerequisites for it yet. They saw the task of the moment in creating a strong democratic government capable of overcoming the economic and financial chaos in the country, preventing a civil war, and convening a constituent assembly.

The Popular Socialists had a sharply negative attitude towards the October Revolution. In the conditions of the changed political situation in the country, the Popular Socialists considered it necessary to fight for the reunification of statehood in the form of democracy by creating a coalition of “living forces” of the country capable of leading it out of the difficult international and internal situation in which it found itself as a result of the Bolshevik coup. Analyzing the origin of Soviet power and its first actions, they concluded that such power is “merely a restoration of the old apparatus of externally coercive power, the replacement of the Bourbons with Bonapartes.” Being consistent “defencists” on the issue of war, the Popular Socialists sharply protested against the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty concluded by the Bolsheviks with Germany and viewed it as one of the strongest proofs that the domination of the Bolsheviks was leading to the destruction of Russia.

For their anti-Bolshevik activities, the Popular Socialists were subjected to various types of repression. However, until the summer of 1918. the party combined its illegal activities with legal ones. Since the summer, measures against the party by the authorities have become tougher, and it has been deprived of the opportunity to legally work. At a meeting of members of the Central Committee (05/26/1920, Paris), who by that time found themselves in exile, the Foreign Committee of the Party was formed, of which N.V. was elected chairman. Chaikovsky. By the end of the 20s. in emigration there were only three groups of the Socialist Party: Paris, Berlin and Prague. Soon they all ceased to exist.

5. Liberal Republican Party.

The idea of ​​creation Liberal Republican Party (LRP) arose in mid-March 1917. among the Octobrists, Progressives and Left Cadets. A decision was made to publish the newspaper Respublika, and a commission was formed to develop the program.

04/08/1917 A constituent assembly took place, which set the main program goal of creating a federal republic and elected a Central Committee consisting of: L.A. Bazunov, A.A. Baryshnikov, Yu.N. Glebov, I.I. Dmitryukov, S.I. Ivanov, M.S. Margulies, E.A. Ershtröm. Soon, some party members switched to the radical democratic party, and in Moscow, in connection with the summer elections to the district dumas, a movement intensified among former Octobrists to create an independent party together with Petrograd. A.I. Guchkov initially did not support him and intended to bloc with the People's Freedom Party in the elections, but in mid-May 1917. at the Central Committee meeting "Union of October 17th" reported on the organization of a new party from part of the Octobrists and members of the State Duma, defending republican-liberal ideas.

A party consisting of former Octobrists and representatives of business group” of the Moscow Duma, put forward the following demands: recognize the principle of national and cultural autonomy, preserve the unity of Russia, develop working legislation and transfer the land to those who cultivate it.

LRP in Petrograd as early as 06/08/1917. decided to rename itself “national liberal” and stand independently in the elections to the Petrograd City Duma. In August 1917 The LRP put forward its list: Glebov, Dmitryukov, Ershtrem, but did not achieve success in September 1917. merged with the Radical Democratic Party, creating a joint Central Committee.

CHAPTER III . MODERATE-CONSERVATIVE PARTIES.

“Union of October 17” (Octobrists) is a political party named after the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, which, according to the Octobrists, marked Russia’s entry onto the path of a constitutional monarchy. As a political movement, Octobrism arose at the zemstvo-city congresses of 1904-1905.

The social composition of the “Union” is officials, landowners, and the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie. The Octobrists advocated the establishment of a constitutional-monarchical system in Russia on the basis of the Manifesto of October 17, 1905. with the preservation of the title of "autocrat" for the monarch; for the introduction of democratic freedoms (conscience, speech, press, assembly, unions); for civil equality without distinction of sex, nationality and religion.

Speaking under the slogan of preserving the “unity and indivisibility of the Russian state,” the Octobrists denied the possibility of granting autonomy to individual parts of the empire (except Finland). The agrarian section of the program stated the need to equalize the rights of peasants with other citizens, make it easier for them to leave the community and secure the land as their full ownership. It was proposed to force the alienation of part of privately owned lands with mandatory compensation to the owners. In the field of labor legislation, the Octobrists spoke out for “freedom of workers’ organizations, unions and meetings.” The Octobrist program contained demands for the introduction of a classless independent court, expansion of the competence of the jury, as well as the adoption of measures in the field of economics and finance, public education, local government, etc. They saw the country's way out of the revolutionary crisis in the immediate convening of the Legislative Duma.

During the armed uprising of 1905. in Moscow, the “Union” supported the punitive actions of tsarism, placing responsibility for the “fratricides” on the revolutionaries. Criticism of the actions of revolutionary parties constituted the main content of the agitation and propaganda of the Octobrists during the election campaign to the 1st State Duma.

In the elections to the 3rd Duma, the Octobrists blocked not only with liberals, but also with right-wing monarchist parties and secured 43 deputy mandates. Together with the right, they proposed that the Duma condemn revolutionary terror. By the second half of 1907 the activities of most departments of the "Union" ceased, because all the party's work was concentrated around the State Duma. The Octobrist center, alternately blocking with the moderate right and (since 1909) with the Cadets, provided the government with an obedient majority in the Duma. The sharp attacks of the Octobrist leaders against the government or its individual members as a whole did not change the party’s desire to act in line with Stolypin’s policies. The crisis of the June Third system caused some “leftward movement” of the Octobrists, who at the conference in November 1913. spoke in favor of a transition to “decisive” actions in order to force the government to follow the path of moderate liberal reforms. The decisions of the conference led to the final split. As a result of the secession from the “right” and “left” factions, a faction of Zemstvo-Octobrists was formed in the 4th Duma. Despite the fact that in 1913-1915. The Octobrist-Kadet majority of Duma members repeatedly criticized the government’s internal policies; the government never came to the practical implementation of the “budget war” promised by the Octobrists. Outside the Duma by 1915 the party ceased to exist.

2.Progressive - economic party.

The Progressive Economic Party (PEP) was formed in October 1905. in St. Petersburg on the initiative of the leadership of the St. Petersburg Society to promote the improvement and development of the factory industry. It operated exclusively in St. Petersburg and the St. Petersburg district. The final formalization of the party structure took place in January 1906. The Party Council became the highest governing body, the highest executive body- Central Bureau.

On the eve of the elections to the 1st State Duma, the number of members of the party was 3.8 thousand. Members of the party were large St. Petersburg factory owners and entrepreneurs (R.R. Antropov, A.A. Zhukov, E.L. Nobel), bankers (Ya.I. Utin), and high-ranking officials (A.A. Annikov). The party had significant funds, its financing was provided by the St. Petersburg Society of Factories and Manufacturers and membership fees.

In its program, the PEP advocated the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in Russia. The party advocated the equality of all citizens before the law without distinction of religion, nationality, class or social status. The program demanded that the people's representative office be given the right to issue laws, control over the executive branch, approve the state budget, establish taxes, duties and fees, and provide for the responsibility of ministers to it. The party program lacked a section on the national question. In the field of judicial reforms, the PEP advocated the abolition of the court of class representatives, the establishment of a lower elected court and the extension of general judicial regulations to the entire population. It was proposed to resolve the labor issue by providing workers with freedom of unions, strikes, meetings and industrial action (their peaceful nature was emphasized), and the possibility of workers participating in the legal socio-political life of the country. Legislative restrictions on working hours were recognized only for women and minors. The party's economic program required the development of direct progressive taxation and a gradual reduction in indirect taxes. Agrarian-peasant problems were touched upon in the program only in passing: the party advocated the abolition of redemption payments, the introduction of mortgage law, and called for the removal of obstacles to the free exit of peasants from the community. The program contained demands for reforms in the field of public education: the introduction of compulsory universal free primary education, recognition of the autonomy of higher education.

During the election campaign to the 1st State Duma, the PEP blocked with the Union of October 17, but did not get a single member into the Duma. At the beginning of the Duma's work, the party's activities froze, and the number of its members began to rapidly decrease. At “private meetings” the Central Bureau of the PEP (10/20 and 11/03/1906) it was decided to “organize” the party again and take part in the 2nd election campaign, also in a bloc with the Octobrists. After the second elections did not bring success to the party, the PEP collapsed completely.

3. Party of the right order.

The Right Order Party was founded in October 1905. In Petersburg. It received the nickname “party of excellent officials”: ​​its core consisted of prominent representatives of the service and local nobility (S.O. Lavrov, Count V.A. Tizenhausen), “qualified” intelligentsia (P.P. Lyzhin, A.V. Bobrishchev- Pushkin) and the big bourgeoisie (M.I. Altukhov, K.I. Belousov). In local party organizations, especially in the western provinces, the clergy played a prominent role.

The Party of Right Order served as a kind of bridge through which the rapprochement of the liberal bourgeoisie and the conservative nobility took place. In its daily activities and especially during election campaigns, the party tended to be in contact or even blocked with the extreme right.

In general, the party program was in the spirit of constitutional monarchism and contained a number of provisions traditional for Russian moderate liberal parties. The program provided for the organization of bicameral representative institutions (the issue of delimiting their functions with the monarch was bypassed), the introduction of political freedoms, equal rights for citizens, expanding the scope of activities of local governments, democratizing the court, etc. To resolve the land issue, the party did not exclude the possibility of additional allotment to peasants at the expense of privately owned lands, and in the field of labor legislation it intended to demand freedom of workers' unions, meetings and even strikes. A special feature of the program was the presence in it of special sections devoted to reforms of the church, military affairs and state economy.

In their practical activities, the “law and order” did not seek to emphasize their ideological differences with the Black Hundreds, seeing their main task in the fight against the revolution. With particular persistence, they sought to infiltrate the urban proletariat in order to counter the spread of socialist ideas here. The party organized a whole staff of secret agents to monitor and operate among workers in factories, to track down the actions of the Social Democrats there.

The propaganda of the ideas of “order and legality” by the Right Order Party in the democratic strata of society was not successful, and the police functions it voluntarily assumed completely discredited the party in public opinion. At the end of 1905 – early 1906 the crisis hit the upper echelons of the party leadership when a group of its founders separated from the party and created their own organization - Constitutional-monarchical union. But as a result of the defeat of the constitutional-monarchist parties in the elections, both in

1st, and in the 2nd State Dumas, the size of the party was sharply reduced.

Shortly after the end of the Revolution of 1905-1907. the party of the right order finally disappeared from the political arena. The most active part of its members joined the “Union of October 17” or extreme right-wing political organizations.

4.Commercial and industrial party.

The first attempt to create the Trade and Industrial Party (CCI) dates back to the summer of 1905, when a congress of industrialists and traders gathered in Moscow spoke in favor of its organization. The pre-election program appeal of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry articulated the party’s intention to become the center of “law enforcement officials” and the support of “strong government power, without which calm is unthinkable.” Among the 87 people who signed the appeal are all major entrepreneurs of the Moscow industrial region (G.A. Krestovnikov, V.V. Yakunchikov, brothers V.P. and P.P. Ryabushinsky, Baron A.L. Knop). The overwhelming majority of rank-and-file party members were low-level employees of commercial and industrial establishments, often recruited into the party by their employers “in bulk” under the threat of dismissal.

The center of activity of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry was Moscow and the district (at the beginning of 1906, the Moscow party organization had 15 thousand members), where in 1905-1906. she managed to develop significant pre-election activity. During the election campaigns for the 1st and 2nd State Dumas, the Chamber of Commerce and Industry was blocked with the “Union of October 17th”, less often with The party of the right order.

In the 1st State Duma, on a common list with other constitutional-monarchist parties, the Moscow provincial organization of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry nominated its candidate - V.S. Barsheva. On the eve of the start of the election campaign for the 2nd State Duma, the Central Committee of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry informed the party members with a special message that the leadership of the election struggle had been entrusted to them by the Central Committee of the Union of October 17th.

The main program aspirations of the party were formulated in the most general form, and a number of critical issues(about the political system, about the division of functions of the monarch and the legislative chambers, about ways to resolve the land issue, etc.) - was completely ignored. The program contained only the requirement of “constant concern” of the State Duma “for the development of all types of industry as a source of subsistence and well-being of the population.” The party did not have a developed program and from the beginning of the 1st State Duma actually ceased to exist.

A new, but short-term outbreak of activity at the Chamber of Commerce and Industry is associated with the crackdown

2nd State Duma. Immediately after the publication of the new electoral law, the party leadership announced its desire to “organize again.” During June 1907 The party's temporary bureau negotiated a merger with the bureau Progressive Economic Party, which, apparently, had no practical results. By the end of 1907 The Chamber of Commerce and Industry ceased to exist.

5. Moderate Progressive Party.

The Moderate Progressive Party was formed in November 1905. in Moscow. The party advocated the establishment of a constitutional monarchy, integrity and indivisibility Russian Empire, in which the people's representatives, elected by universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage, “participate in the exercise of legislative power” (the prerogatives of the monarch were not specified).

The party program included the introduction of civil liberties, the expansion of the functions of local governments to “all aspects of local life,” the democratization of legal proceedings and the introduction of progressive taxation with a gradual reduction in indirect taxes. In the field of agrarian legislation, the party was a supporter of increasing peasant land use at the expense of appanage, cabinet and other lands. The section of the program “Labor Legislation” contained a demand for freedom of workers' unions, meetings and strikes, provided they were non-violent.

During the election campaign to the 1st State Duma, the party did not show itself in any way. In March 1906 she merged with Democratic Reform Party, forming the People's Welfare Party.

6. Peaceful Renewal Party.

The Peaceful Renewal Party (POM, peace renewalists) was formed during the work of the 1st State Duma by right-wing Cadets, left-wing Octobrists, members of the Democratic Reform Party, and non-party members. Leaders – P.A. Gayden, M.A. Stakhovich, N.N. Lvov, D.N. Shipov, E.N. Trubetskoy and others.

Being moderate liberals, the world renewalists were dissatisfied with the pro-government course of the “Union of October 17” and the left deviation Constitutional Democratic Party in programmatic (especially agrarian) and tactical issues, believing that this aggravates the internal situation in the country. They sought to create a political center that could neutralize both the forces of revolution and the forces of reaction: they advocated peaceful, evolutionary development countries. They considered the most important thing for ensuring socio-economic progress to be a rational solution to the land issue. PMO leaders hoped that their agricultural program will attract peasant deputies to them, who had significant weight in the 1st Duma, but have not yet made a choice between political parties. The section “Agrarian Policy” talked about the allocation of land to land-poor and landless peasants, using state, appanage, cabinet, and monastic lands. Great place The program focused on issues of resettlement, organizing cheap credit, regulating rental relations and prices, and raising the culture of agriculture.

If the agricultural policy was independently developed by the PMO, then the remaining sections of the program were borrowed from the party of democratic reforms. The world renovationists made changes that made it even more moderate. Peace renovationists are supporters of a constitutional monarchy and a parliament consisting of two chambers. In the field of legal proceedings, all deviations from the law of November 20, 1864 were abolished, and protection for the preliminary investigation was introduced. The program included sections on public education (universal compulsory free education), financial and economic policy, and labor legislation. The interests of workers were protected. Freedom to strike was recognized as a peaceful settlement of relations between workers and entrepreneurs. There was also talk about reducing the working day depending on the technical conditions of production and improving the working and living conditions of the working class, labor protection for women and children.

The name of the party emphasized its negative attitude towards violence “on the left” and “on the right”. The leaders of the world renewalists opposed the death penalty and for political amnesty, for preserving and strengthening the unitary nature of the Russian state structure. Fearing that the Duma might make decisions that were too radical and dangerous for the civil world, the world renewalists advocated maintaining its counterweight - the “upper house”, i.e. State Council.

The world renewalists tried to prevent the dissolution of the 1st State Duma by participating in negotiations on a “public ministry.” But negotiations on the government have stalled due to the reluctance of the ruling elite to give up their monopoly on political decision-making, due to the political impotence of the liberals, etc.

The world renewalists tried to unite “all true constitutionalists” during the campaign for elections to the 2nd State Duma. But after approval by the leader of the Octobrists A.I. Guchkov introduced military courts, the alliance of liberals became impossible.

09/22/1906 Peace Renewalists submitted a petition to the authorities to legalize their party, but were refused. Permission to legalize came only after Heyden’s personal appeal to Prime Minister P.A. Stolypin.

October 20-22, 1906 A meeting was held in Moscow at which an appeal was developed: it called for the unity of all progressive forces to “struggle for freedom and culture, against all violations of constitutional principles, no matter where they come from.” After this, representatives of the Moscow business world (P.P. Ryabushinsky, S.I. Chetverikov, A.S. Vishnyakov) entered the Central Committee of the PMO - a tendency towards the emergence of the most typical party of the bourgeoisie in the country appeared. By the end of 1906 the total number of PMO was about 2 thousand people.

From mid-December 1906 to mid-January 1907 The world renewalists prepared a new appeal to voters, in which they expressed their determination to fight “for the expansion of the rights of the Duma” and for resolving the agrarian question. An attempt was made to convene a conference with the participation of other opposition parties to create a "constitutional center". But it was not possible to form a “constitutional center”. The PMO was defeated in the election campaign.

The world renewalists had little faith in the viability of the 2nd State Duma. But, like all liberals, they tried to “preserve” it, hoping to lay the foundations of a “constitutional center” in it. However, the “peaceful renewal” faction practically did not exist in the Duma.

No more than eight world renovationists were elected to the 3rd State Duma. At the same time, they acted in the election campaign as private individuals. Attempts by world renewalists in 1907-1908 efforts to unite constitutionalists in the 3rd Duma and outside it again proved fruitless. In 1908 The famous “economic conversations” began, one of the initiators of which was Trubetskoy. During the conversations, representatives of the intellectual and business elite of Russia became closer, and a new political movement took shape - progressivism.

Before the elections to the 4th State Duma, the progressives decided to bloc with the Cadets and Octobrists. In November 1912 The progressives were constituted into a party, which also included former world renewalists.

7. Progressive Party.

The Progressive Party took shape in November 1912. Creation of the Progressive Party, which became the successor Peaceful Renewal Party, was prepared by the activities of the Progressive faction in the 3rd State Duma (organizer and leader I.N. Efremov). The faction united deputies who adhered to "general constitutional and progressive views" and supported all speeches and undertakings of a constitutional nature, usually speaking together with the Cadets faction.

In the early 1910s in the context of the crisis experienced by the Union of October 17 and the constitutional democrats, the positions of the progressives in the Duma were strengthened. They considered their main task to be the unification of the liberal parties, primarily the Cadets and the Octobrists. According to the progressives, the "united front of liberalism" could create sufficient opposition to the revolutionary forces and force the government to make concessions, to complete the reforms initiated by the Manifesto of 10/17/1905. The policy of the progressives in the Duma expressed the views of the radical part of the Moscow industrialists, who believed that the commercial and industrial class should play an important political role, supporting the struggle for social and political reforms and at the same time protecting their specific interests. They advocated the creation of a large and independent “business” party. Plans for the creation of such a party were developed during the so-called "economic conversations." During these "conversations" the political platform of "progressivism" was formulated. Duma progressives opposed the creation of a party-type organization and put forward the tactics of “non-party progressivism.” During the election campaign to the 4th State Duma, they hoped to create a broad movement in which, along with non-party liberals, right-wing Cadets and left-wing Octobrists, who disagreed with the policies of their parties and were ready to leave them, could unite.

In November 1912 A congress of progressives was held in St. Petersburg, which united them into a party. At the congress, the “guiding principles” of the activities of the progressive faction in the Duma were adopted: their work should be “alien to revolutionism” and carried out within the framework of “strict legality.”

The Progressive Party demanded the abolition of emergency regulations, the development of a new electoral law, expansion of the rights of the Duma and reform of the State Council. Progressives considered it necessary to introduce democratic rights and freedoms and protect “national economic interests,” which they understood as the interests of big capital.

However, it was not possible to create a large “business” party, mainly because the right-wing Cadets were not satisfied with the organizational weakness of the progressives, the left-wing Octobrists were not satisfied with the “excessive” opposition to the government, so there was no mass transfer of members of these parties to the Progressive Party. The activities of the progressives concentrated in the Duma. By the beginning of the 4th State Duma, their faction consisted of 48 people.

The main efforts of the progressives were focused on participating in the creation of various Duma coalitions: hoping to unite the liberals, they advocated an offensive foreign policy; put forward the idea of ​​​​creating a “constitutional center” in the Duma, which, with the threat of budget failure, would force the government to make concessions. The progressives hoped that the Octobrist faction would accept their program of joint action, but agreement was reached only on certain issues. Having failed in the Duma, the progressives, on Konovalov’s initiative, created the so-called “Information Center” in Moscow to coordinate the actions of opposition parties. However, by refusing in the spring of 1914 to support in the Duma the obstruction staged by I. L. Goremykin by left-wing deputies regarding the bill on freedom of parliamentary speech, they doomed their plans to lead the opposition to failure, and the “Information Center” ceased to exist. However, the joint votes of the Octobrists, Progressives and Cadets in the Fourth State Duma were the first steps towards the creation of the “Progressive Bloc”. The activities of the Progressives were greatly revived during the First World War: initially they supported the government, but gradually lost faith in its ability to bring the war to a victorious end. At the end of May 1915, a Moscow group of “progressive” industrialists put forward the slogan of “mobilization of industry” to supply the army.

In August 1915, thanks to the efforts of the progressives, supported by other liberal and moderate right parties, the “Progressive Bloc” was formed, in which the progressives took positions on the left. Unlike most participants in the bloc, they considered the wartime situation favorable for the establishment of the bourgeoisie as the “premier estate” and sought the creation of a ministry responsible to legislatures; in their opinion, only a “responsible ministry” could organize the country’s defense and ensure victory and prevent revolution.

In November 1916, the progressives left the “progressive bloc”, finally disagreeing with the majority of its members over the demand for the creation of a ministry of trust. At the end of 1916 - beginning of 1917, at private meetings with Konovalov and Ryabushinsky, progressives discussed various plans for a coup d'etat and the composition of the future Provisional Government. After the February Revolution, the party’s activities gradually ceased; some of the progressives, led by Efremov and Professor D.N. Ruzsky, united in Russian Radical Democratic Party who advocated the establishment of a democratic republic.

CHAPTER IV . REACTIONAL MONARCHIC PARTIES

1. Russian monarchical union.

The Russian monarchist party arose in 1905. around the editorial office of the Moskovskie Vedomosti newspaper on the initiative of editor-publisher V.A. Greenmouth. The party occupied the right flank of the conservative movement and advocated the preservation of unlimited autocratic power and the dominant position of the Russian people. The party program initially completely rejected the idea of ​​​​creating a representative elected body, believing that the main legislative body under the emperor should be the State Council appointed by him. The Russian Orthodox Church was considered by the ideologists of the Russian Monarchist Party as the spiritual basis of society and the state. The party demanded the preservation of the unity and indivisibility of the Russian Empire. The creation of national schools and any national political organizations was considered unacceptable.

The most important factor in the stability of society was the preservation of classes, among which the clergy, nobility and peasantry were recognized as the support of the state. Fearing an increase in the number of the proletariat, the party called for strengthening peasant farms, which were recognized as having a leading role in the Russian economy.

The number of the party is up to 10 thousand people, but the majority of its members were nominal members. Social base - intelligentsia, middle urban strata, workers. Party chairmen: V.A. Gringmut (1905-1908), I.I. Vostorgov (1908-1913), V.V. Tomilin (November 1913-August 1914), S.A. Keltsev (August 1914-February 1917). The leading bodies of the party were located in Moscow.

The Russian monarchist party advocated the continuation of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905. before victory, against any concessions to Japan, and condemned the Portsmouth Peace Treaty; during the Revolution of 1905-1907. sharply criticized the authorities for their indecisiveness in the fight against the revolutionary movement; criticized the activities of the government of S.Yu. Witte.

After the split of the conservative movement (1910-1912), she actively collaborated with the renewed Union of the Russian people. An attempt to get its candidates through the elections to the 4th State Duma ended in failure for the Russian Monarchist Party, which contributed to increasing disagreements within the party leadership. In the autumn of 1913 the party split: its working departments, headed by V.G. Orlov, moved to Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel.

During the First World War, the party advocated war to a victorious end.

On the initiative of the Russian Monarchist Party, several temperance societies were created, a society to promote the patriotic education of children. The party collected funds to purchase a building for the “Russian House”, the Greenmouth library and book warehouse were founded, and a printing house was equipped.

The Russian monarchist party collapsed in February 1917.

2. Union of the Russian People (Black Hundreds).

The union was founded in November 1905. In Petersburg. The leaders of the monarchical union argued that the Black Hundred were ordinary people who had saved the fatherland from traitors for centuries. The overwhelming majority of the organization's members were peasants; significantly fewer were artisans, small traders, and hired workers. At the same time, the top of the “Union” consisted of representatives of the intelligentsia, government officials, merchants, landowners, and the clergy. The Black Hundreds advocated strengthening the dominant position of the Russian Orthodox Church, for the unity and indivisibility of the Russian Empire. The ideology of the Black Hundreds was permeated with anti-Semitism. On the agrarian issue, the Union defended the principle of the inviolability of private property, rejecting the confiscation of landowners' land. Realizing the unpopularity of this thesis among the peasants who numerically predominated in the Union, the party leaders put forward a number of minor measures designed to improve the situation of the rural population. Although the leaders of the Union declared their commitment to the law, some leaders expressed the conviction that it was necessary to use terrorist methods against the revolutionaries. Lacking firm support in the Duma, the Black Hundred leadership set a course to discredit the legislative institution.

Two currents gradually took shape among the Black Hundreds. One of them, called Dubrovinsky (after Dubrovin), expressed dissatisfaction with the reforms of the socio-economic system. In contrast to the Dubrovinites, a group emerged that recognized the irreversible nature of changes in the political system. In 1916 The Union was in a state of deep crisis, its local departments were disorganized. Like other Black Hundred organizations, the Union of the Russian People was unable to resist during the February Revolution. In March 1917 The union collapsed.

3. Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel.

The Union named after Michael the Archangel (RNS) is a right-wing organization created by the “breakaways” in early 1908. from the Union of the Russian People. The Union set itself the task of protecting Orthodoxy, autocracy and the fatherland from any enemies. According to the program, the Union was supposed to contribute to "organizing the life of the Russian people on the basis of love for the Motherland, the exaltation of the Orthodox Church, devotion to the autocratic tsar and the renewal of the life of Russia in the spirit of Russian self-consciousness." The State Duma was recognized as a link that was supposed to fill the broken direct connection between the tsar and the ruled people. The Union did not recognize any differences "between the Great Russians, Belarusians and Little Russians." The charter proclaimed the task: the creation of consumer shops, as well as the Union Bank with the goal of “raising exclusively Russian trade and industry. In addition, the Union’s duty was proclaimed to “take care of increasing peasant land ownership, improving agricultural crops, supplying the population with improved tools for cultivating the land,” and taking care of settlers. The union maintained contacts with other right-wing organizations. It is also significant in this regard that RNS figures could simultaneously be members of several right-wing organizations.

After the outbreak of World War I, the leadership of the Union did not take part in meetings of authorized right-wing organizations, believing that in war conditions only such meetings were justified, the work of which was directly related to the help of the army. After the February Revolution, the RNS legally ceased to exist. No actions after February 1917. The Union did not take any action. In September 1917 based former Union former leaders tried to create a new monarchical organization, which was supposed to mobilize political forces in order to fight anarchy and restore the monarchy. But on November 18, 1917 The leaders of the RNS were arrested by the Petrograd Cheka.

CHAPTER V . NATIONAL PARTIES.

1. Bund.

The Bund is a social-democratic organization, officially called the “General Jewish Workers' Union in Lithuania, Poland and Russia.”

It represented mainly Jewish artisans from the western regions of the Russian Empire. It was founded in 1897 in the city of Vilna (now Vilnius). Among the leading leaders were R. A. Abramov, I. L. Aizenstadt, A. I. Kremer and others. At the first congress of the RSDLP in 1898, the Bund joined the party as an autonomous organization. Since 1906, she occupied Menshevik positions. After the October Revolution, some members of the Bund went over to the Bolsheviks, others opposed it, which led to a split in the organization. In 1921 the union collapsed.

2.Zionist-Socialist Workers' Party (USSR).

One of the most significant Jewish political parties. The first attempts to form the USSR date back to the beginning of 1904 (by Jewish artisans and intellectuals who deviated from "Poalei Zion"). The main theoreticians and leaders of the USSR were N. Syrkin and B. Borokhov. The USSR considered the main task of the Jewish proletariat to be the struggle for the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine or temporarily in some other territory where Jews would form the majority and live compactly.

On the main point, all Jewish socialist parties were unanimous, declaring that the solution to the Jewish question was possible not as a result of a socialist revolution in the countries of the “Diaspora,” but only through the creation of an “autonomous Jewish national economy.”

In relation to the First State Duma, the Social Zionists recognized the only expedient tactic as “active external boycott,” which alone represents the best way to discredit the Duma and deprive it of its authority in the eyes of the people. On the issue of armed uprising, the Zionist Congress recognized “the need to conduct broad, tireless agitation in order to prepare a general armed uprising, to which the Great Russian Revolution will inevitably lead.”

The total number of Zionist parties in Russia in 1905-1907 fluctuated between 10-20 thousand people. The social basis of the party during this period was made up of representatives of the radical democratic strata of society (handicraftsmen, artisans, clerks), Jewish intelligentsia and nationalist-minded elements of the working class. During the period of acute clashes between the revolutionary forces and the autocracy in 1905–1907, the USSR called on its members not to participate in the political revolutionary struggle. Since the end of 1905, the USSR took an active part in the trade union movement.

After the Revolution of 1905–1907, there was a sharp evolution of the USSR to the right. By 1909, Syrkin and his supporters had become ardent supporters of Zion and began advocating an “exodus” from the “diaspora,” focusing their efforts on Arab-populated Palestine. After the February Revolution, there was an intensification of the activities of supporters of social Zionism. In March 1917, members of the USSR joined (together with representatives Socialist Jewish Workers' Party(SERP)) to the United Jewish Socialist Workers Party (OESWP) and supported the slogans of their leaders about the creation of “national-personal autonomy” of Jews and the Bund’s course towards the implementation of “cultural-national autonomy”.

In May 1917, congresses of Jewish public figures(Zionists and Bundists) in Kyiv and Yekaterinburg, whose goal was to strengthen the influence of the Jewish bourgeoisie. After October 1917, the Zionists and their supporters did not hide their hostility towards Bolsheviks and supported the actions of the “Salvation Committee”, which fought against the Military Revolutionary Committee and the Council of People's Commissars. The outbreak of the Civil War completed the process of collapse of Zionist organizations in the country.

3.Russian Progressive Union.

The Russian Progressive Union is a party of the Russian liberal intelligentsia, formed at the end of 1905. in Warsaw. Founders and leaders of the Union: E.N. Dobuzhinsky, N.I. Rozanov, S.A. Pantsov, A.K. Mordvilko. The program document adopted by the party put forward the organization's priority tasks: the creation in Russia of a democratic system based on respect for the civil rights of the population; convening of the Constituent Assembly. The Union declared the urgent need to resolve the national issue in the multinational Russian Empire, to recognize the principle of self-determination of nations. First of all, the Union supported the efforts of the Poles in the struggle for equal civil rights with the Russians. The union advocated for improvement social status of the working masses.

The number of the party was over 100 people. The emergence of the Russian Progressive Union, Russian in composition, caused a sharp negative attitude from the tsarist administration in Warsaw. The latter viewed the party as an obstacle to the government's national policy of Russification in the Polish provinces. The union practically did not have time not only to carry out any noticeable political actions, but even to fully organize itself, when repressive measures were taken by the police against party leaders. By April 1906 The Union, as a political party, ceased to exist.

4.Socialist Jewish Labor Party.

The first attempt to create the Socialist Jewish Workers' Party (SEWP) dates back to December 1905. The Organizing Committee was tasked with convening the Founding Congress of the new party. However, aggravated disagreements did not allow the rapid unification of disparate political forces. And only in April 1906. The CERP was finalized at the 1st Party Congress. The main core of the new party consisted of: a group that left the Zionist-Socialist Workers' Party (USSR) and the pro-Socialist Revolutionary wing of the Renaissance organization. The leaders of the party were Kh.O. Zhitlovsky, M.B. Ratner. In the spring of 1906 SERP numbered 13 thousand people in its ranks.

The ideologists declared the party a “workers’ party,” declared their commitment to “socialism and the idea of ​​class struggle,” and entered into a permanent bloc with Socialist Revolutionary Party. Party members actively showed themselves in the Revolution of 1905-1907.

SERP boycotted the elections to the 1st State Duma, but abandoned boycott tactics in the summer of 1906. This allowed them to nominate independent candidates during the election campaign for the elections to the 2nd Duma. Their electoral tactics were based on supporting the Socialist Revolutionaries against the Bund and the Zionist Socialists. In 1906-1907 SERP quite sharply dissociated itself from the Bundists and the Zionist socialists.

The content of the program was determined by three main principles: socialism as the ultimate goal of the Jewish labor movement, the revolutionary struggle against autocracy and territorialism - the creation of an independent Jewish state in Palestine. The agrarian question occupied an important place in the program. The Serpovites considered the second fundamental issue to be national. They sharply criticized the national program and the cadets, and defended the principle of federalism. In the field of government, the CERP demanded the convening of national constituent assemblies.

Despite a very categorical attitude towards other Jewish socialist parties in 1906-1907, it was SERP that during the years of reaction came out as a supporter of the unification of all Jewish parties. Its leaders now began to argue that the idea of ​​mass Jewish emigration to Palestine and the Bund program not only did not contradict each other, but complemented each other.

The streak of reaction played its role, and the SERP began the mass emigration of party members and the destruction of its organizations. The February Revolution brought SERP out of hiding. In an effort to expand their influence on the masses, the Serpovites in May 1917. united with the Zionist Socialists. After October 1917 Some of the “unites” acted as obvious opponents of the Bolsheviks and took an active part in the armed struggle of the warring parties in various parts countries. The other, having perceived communist ideals as a guide to action, in the spring of 1919. merged with the left-wing Bundists and created the United Jewish Communist Workers Party (JECWP).

5.Moderate Right Party.

The Moderate Right Party was created in December 1908 – March 1909. on the basis of the “moderate right” faction in the 3rd State Duma. Number of people: 70 people. Leader of the faction and party – P.N. Balashev. The backbone of the party was made up of landowners in the western provinces, whose mentality, on the one hand, was characterized by strict national-religious anti-liberalism and unconditional loyalty to the tsarist government, and on the other, recognition of the legislative Duma and commitment to market relations. A prominent role in the party was played by V.A. Bobrinsky, P.N. Krupensky, L.V. Polovtsov.

Despite Balashev’s desire to create a wide network of local party departments and turn it into an organization capable of competing with the “Union of October 17” for leadership in the conservative Duma bloc, which became the main legislative support of P.A. Stolypin, this was achieved only after the merger of the party with All-Russian National Union(January 1910), who inherited the main ideological, theoretical and organizational guidelines of the party.

6.All-Russian National Union (VNS).

Formed in St. Petersburg in the spring and summer of 1908. Party leaders: S. V. Rukhlov, A. P. Urusov, N. O. Kuplevasky, N. A. Tarasov, M. O. Menshikov.

The purpose of the union was to promote: the dominance of the Russian people within the Russian Empire, strengthening the consciousness of Russian national unity, the organization of Russian everyday self-help and the development of Russian culture, as well as the strengthening of Russian statehood on the basis of the autocratic power of the tsar in unity with legislative popular representation.

Ideologically, the ANS was located between "Union of October 17" and Black Hundred organizations, however, on most of the fundamental issues related to the reform course being pursued in the country, he aligned himself with the Octobrist party. Socially, in the first period of the existence of the VNS (1908-1910), it was dominated by the conservative St. Petersburg elite.

As the State Duma prepared to merge the national group (leader - Urusov) with the moderate-right faction (P.N. Balashev), the prerequisites were created for organizing the unification of the Supreme National Assembly and Moderate right parties. The merger of factions was accelerated by P. A. Stolypin, who sought to create a stable conservative majority in the third State Duma. Despite maintaining the previous name, the updated VNS was an organization where leading place occupied by former moderate-right leaders. The program developed by the WPC was based on the program documents of both factions. The “moderate right” P. N. Krupensky, V. A. Bobrinsky, L. V. Polovtsev, D. N. Chikhaev began to play an active role in the new leadership of the party and faction.

The "peak" of the organized activity of the VNS fell on the election campaign of 1912, when sympathy for the VNS was clearly manifested by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and personally by Emperor Nicholas II. The true “stronghold” of nationalism was the provinces with a mixed population, primarily the Southwestern and Northwestern, where Russian landowners, as well as representatives of the urban elite, experienced economic, cultural and political pressure from Polish landowners, European merchants and entrepreneurs.

At the first congress, the tactical part of the party program was updated, on the basis of which an election platform was then developed: strengthening the position of the Russian Orthodox Church and the financial situation of the clergy, the growth of Russia's military power; national-religious direction in the development of public education; development of small credit; "nationalization" of cheap credit, that is, the legislative removal of foreigners from wide access to it. The congress recognized the possibility of pre-election blocs "with all political parties not to the left of the Octobrists", and agreements with the Poles were excluded. The desire of the nationalists to "protect the State Duma" was especially emphasized.

Converging with the Octobrists on most domestic political and practically on most foreign policy issues, the nationalists found themselves on extreme right-wing positions on national and religious issues.

As the general liberal reforms reached a dead end, and the Octobrists expressed increasing concern about this, their contradictions with the nationalists grew, for whom it was the second policy of the Stolypin premiership, associated with the implementation of the so-called “policy of nationalism,” that was the period of their maximum political power.

The obstruction to which (with the secret knowledge of Emperor Nicholas II) the bill on the Western Zemstvo was subjected in the State Council led to a conflict between both chambers with the Stolypin government, on whose side only nationalists spoke, who fully justified the actions of the prime minister in carrying out the bill on an emergency basis. As the crisis of the political system grew within the Supreme National Assembly and its Duma faction, two trends emerged. The right, which advocated a close alliance with the far right. The left, which spoke out in favor of an alliance with the Octobrists and Progressives.

Many nationalists took part in the First World War. After the February Revolution, most nationalists left the political arena. After the October Revolution, a significant part of the former nationalists were physically destroyed, some took part in the White movement. Many nationalists emigrated.

CONCLUSION.

The entire period from 1895 to 1917 can be divided into several stages.

At the first, at the beginning of the century, almost all parties, as already mentioned, were in opposition to the autocracy; they were united by one goal: the elimination of the remnants of serfdom and autocracy as factors preventing Russia from developing along the path of progress. Only by putting political power under its control could the Russian bourgeoisie begin bourgeois-democratic transformations in all spheres of social life.

Bourgeois parties of a liberal direction, reflecting the demands of democratization, constituted the liberal-democratic “center” of the opposition movement, which balanced the two extreme positions - left and right. This situation was reflected in the composition of the First and Second State Dumas, where the bourgeois parties represented a fairly strong liberal-centrist bloc, in which the Cadets party played a decisive role, and the socialist parties (Trudovik, Socialist Party) were located on its left wing.

The revolution of 1905 - 1907 gradually changed the political situation. Socialist ideas are gradually beginning to supplant liberal ones. Along with this, government programs for the capitalist transformation of the economy and, above all, agriculture require strengthening the government bloc. Thus, at this stage there is a demarcation of class interests in a single opposition camp. Socialist parties - both proletarian and neo-populist - are uniting into a left bloc. Bourgeois parties, for example the Party of Democratic Reforms, located on the right wing of the “left center,” moved to the right, towards the Octobrists. Some of the parties of the right wing of the conservative camp, for example, the Law and Order Party, went over to the Black Hundreds. There is some correction of the “center” and a sharp polarization into the far right and far left throughout the political arena. This was reflected in the composition of the Third State Duma.

A noticeable improvement in the balance of political forces is slowing down the progress of bourgeois-democratic reforms. The government of P. A. Stolypin, which prepared a program of such reforms and carried them out, is criticized both from the right and from the left. Such confrontation in society makes society socially unstable.

It should also be said that the methods of struggle with the help of terror, which were used both on the right (Black Hundreds) and on the left (Socialist Revolutionaries), calls on both sides for an immediate political coup (in order to establish justice) placed the country between two lights, but the choice was small.

Since 1912 there has been an even greater shift to the right. This is due to the intensification of national-patriotic sentiments in the pre-war period and the emergence of nationalist groups within almost all parties, which then actively supported the tsarist government in the war. The political position of the big bourgeoisie strengthened especially during the First World War, since its interests coincided with the interests of the monarchy. Thus, the inexorable tilt to the right, which began in the previous period, ends during the war. Already the elections to the Fourth State Duma reflected this process. Again, two majorities emerged: the right and Octobrists - 283, the Octobrists, Cadets and national bourgeois parties - 226. But now the right became the largest faction. The liberal bourgeoisie is trying to consolidate and creates a progressive bloc in the State Duma. However, liberalism is already being squeezed from the right (nationalism) and from the left (socialism). There is a real threat not only to the right-wing dictatorship, but also to the elimination of the multi-party system.

The February bourgeois-democratic revolution dramatically changed the situation. The elimination of autocracy opened up prospects for bourgeois-democratic reforms, since the bourgeoisie received real power and, accordingly, the opportunity to lead the country along the path of such transformations. Parties that had more or less serious programs formed a coalition government: Cadets, Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, Trudoviks, in which the Cadets took the place of the autocracy, and the rest - the state opposition. This situation was complicated by the dual power represented by the Provisional Government (GRP) and the Soviets. The liberal bourgeoisie was now opposed by two extreme blocs: 1) the extreme left, advocating a socialist revolution, the overthrow of the bourgeois system and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat (Bolshevik Party); 2) extreme right, advocating the establishment of a military dictatorship.

At this stage, the liberal center was completely weakened, even though it received real political power: firstly, it was weakened by dual power, and secondly, the Provisional Government did not have a constructive program for leading the country out of the national crisis. This pushed the far-right and far-left oppositions to seize political power. Russia actually had a choice only between two dictatorships. the establishment of any of them meant the end of the multi-party system in Russia. This stage ended by October 1917, when the Bolshevik Party seized political power.

Considering the change in the balance of forces in the political arena from the end of the 19th century to 1917, we can say that already during the revolutionary events of 1905–1907, Russia was faced with a difficult choice. However, the specifics of Russia's socio-economic and political development forced it to choose only between two dictatorships. The Russian liberal bourgeoisie, which had a real opportunity to implement the Western version of bourgeois-democratic development and played the role of the “center” in the balance of power, was unable to cope with this task. Having lost control of society in July 1917, it opened the way first for the military and then for the Bolsheviks.

Bibliography.

1. Shelokhaev V.V., Volobuev O.V., Gorshkov M.K., Political parties of Russia. Russian political encyclopedia, M.: publishing house ROSSPEN, 1996.

2. Shanin T. Revolution as a moment of truth. Russia 1905-1907, 1917-1922 - M.: Ves Mir, 1997.

3. Werth N. History of the Soviet state. M. - 1992.

4. Borodina O. I. "Russia at the turn of two eras." M. - 1992.

In connection with the revolutionary events of 1905, about fifty political parties were formed in Russia - both small-town and large, with a network of cells throughout the country. They can be classified into three directions - radical revolutionary democratic, liberal opposition and monarchical conservative parties of Russia. The latter will mainly be discussed in this article.

Batch creation process

Historically, the formation of various political parties occurs with precise systematicity. Opposition left parties are the first to be formed. During the revolution of 1905, that is, a little after the signing of the October Manifesto, numerous centrist parties were formed, uniting, for the most part, the intelligentsia.

And finally, as a reaction to the Manifesto, the right appeared - the monarchical and conservative parties of Russia. Interesting fact: all these parties disappeared from the historical stage in the reverse order: the right was swept away by the February Revolution, then the October Revolution abolished the centrists. Moreover most of Left parties united with the Bolsheviks or dissolved themselves in the 20s, when show trials of their leaders began.

List and leaders

The Conservative Party - not a single one - was destined to survive 1917. They were all born at different times, and died almost simultaneously. The conservative party "Russian Assembly" existed longer than all the others, because it was created earlier - in 1900. It will be discussed in more detail below.

The Conservative Russian People" was founded in 1905, the leaders were Dubrovin and since 1912 - Markov. The "Union of Russian People" existed from 1905 to 1911, then until 1917 it was purely formal. V. A. Gringmuth in the same 1905 founded the Russian which later became "Russian Monarchical Union".

High-born aristocrats also had their own conservative party, the United Nobility, founded in 1906. The famous Russian People's Union of the Archangel was led by V. M. Purishkevich. The national-conservative party "All-Russian National Union" disappeared already in 1912, it was led by Balashov and Shulgin.

The Moderate Right Party ended its existence in 1910. The All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People managed to form only in 1912. Even later, the conservative party “Fatherland Patriotic Union” was created by leaders Orlov and Skvortsov in 1915. A.I. Guchkov assembled his “Union of the Seventeenth of October” in 1906 (the same Octobrists). Here are approximately all the main conservative parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

"Russian meeting"

St. Petersburg became the birthplace of the RS - "Russian Assembly" in November 1900. The poet V.L. Velichko in a narrow circle complained that he was constantly haunted by vague, but clearly prophetic visions of Russia being captured by some dark forces. He proposed creating a kind of commonwealth of Russian people, ready to withstand future adversity. This is how the RS party began - beautifully and patriotically. Already in January 1901, the RS charter was ready and the leadership was elected. As historian A.D. Stepanov put it at the first meeting, the Black Hundred movement was born.

So far, this did not sound as threatening as, say, eighteen or twenty years later. The charter was approved by Senator Durnovo and sealed with warm words full of bright hope. Initially, the RS meetings were similar to a Slavophile literary and artistic club.

Intellectuals, officials, clergy and landowners gathered there. Cultural and educational goals were put at the forefront. However, after the revolution of 1905, thanks to its activities, the RS ceased to be like other conservative parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. She became strongly right-wing monarchist.

Activity

At first, the RS organized discussions of reports and organized theme nights. The meetings took place on Fridays and were devoted to political and social problems. “Literary Mondays” were also popular. All "Fridays" were first dealt with by V. V. Komarov, but they became popular and influential in the autumn of 1902, when V. L. Velichko became their head.

Since 1901, in addition to "Mondays" and "Fridays", separate meetings began (here it should be noted the activity of the Regional Department, chaired by Professor A. M. Zolotarev, later this department became an independent organization of the "Russian Border Society"). Since 1903, under the leadership of N. A. Engelhardt, "literary Tuesdays" have become increasingly popular.

Already in 1901, the "Russian Assembly" numbered more than a thousand people, and in 1902 - six hundred more. Political activity boiled down to the fact that, starting from 1904, petitions and loyal subjects were periodically submitted to the tsar, deputations were organized to the palace and propaganda was carried out in the periodical press.

Deputations at various times were decorated with their presence by Princes Golitsyn and Volkonsky, Count Apraksin, Archpriest Bogolyubov, as well as no less famous people - Engelhardt, Zolotarev, Mordvinov, Leontiev, Puryshev, Bulatov, Nikolsky. The Emperor received the RS delegations with enthusiasm. Conservative political parties, Nicholas II, one might say, loved and trusted them.

MS and revolutionary turmoil

In 1905 and 1906, the "Russian Assembly" did nothing special, and nothing happened to it, except for the post-revolutionary circular, which was forbidden to be a member of any political communities of military personnel tsarist army. Then the liberal and conservative parties lost many of their members, and the RS left its founder - A. M. Zolotarev.

In February 1906, the RS organized an all-Russian congress in St. Petersburg. In fact, the Russian Assembly became a party only in 1907, when the program of the Conservative Party was adopted and amendments were made to the charter. Now the RS could elect and be elected to the State Duma and the State Council.

The basis of the program was the motto: “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality.” The Russian Assembly did not miss a single monarchist congress. However, it took a long time to create an independent political faction. The first and second Dumas did not give the RS a chance, so the party decided not to nominate candidates, on the contrary, to vote for the extreme left (such a trick against the Octobrists and Cadets). Political position at the Third and Fourth Dumas, she definitely did not recommend that her deputies bloc with centrists (Octobrists) and even with moderate right-wing nationalist parties.

splits

Until the end of 1908, passions raged in the monarchist camp, which resulted in splits in many organizations. For example, the conflict between Purishkevich and Dubrovin split the “Union of the Russian People”, after which the “Union of Archangel Michael” appeared. Opinions in the RS were also divided. The party was haunted by quarrels, departures and deaths, but especially by bureaucratic carrion.

By 1914, the leaders of the RS decided to completely depoliticize the party, seeing educational and cultural orientation as the right path to resolving conflicts. However, the war deepened all the fault lines in relations, since the Markovites were for the immediate conclusion of peace with Germany, and Purishkevich’s supporters, on the contrary, they needed a war to a victorious end. As a result, by the February Revolution, the “Russian Assembly” had outlived its usefulness and turned into a small circle of Slavophile tendencies.

NRC

The Union of the Russian People is another organization representing conservative parties. The table demonstrates how high passionarity was at the beginning of the twentieth century - all kinds of societies and communities multiplied like mushrooms in the autumn rain. The RNC party began to operate in 1905. Its program and activities were entirely based on chauvinistic and even more anti-Semitic ideas of a monarchical kind.

Orthodox radicalism especially distinguished the views of its members. The RNC was actively opposed to any kind of revolution and parliamentarism, advocated for the indivisibility and unity of Russia and advocated joint actions of the authorities and the people, who would be an advisory body under the sovereign. This organization, naturally, was banned immediately after the end of the February Revolution, and recently, in 2005, they tried to recreate it.

Historical background

Russian nationalism has never been alone in the world. The nineteenth century was marked by nationalist movements everywhere. In Russia, active political activity could only appear during a state crisis, after the defeat in the war with the Japanese and a cascade of revolutions. The tsar only then decided to support the initiative of right-wing public groups.

First, the above-mentioned elite organization “Russian Assembly” appeared, which had nothing in common with the people, and its activities did not find sufficient response among the intelligentsia. Naturally, such an organization could not resist the revolution. As, however, and other political parties - liberal, conservative. The people already needed not right, but left, revolutionary organizations.

The “Union of Russian People” united in its ranks only the highest nobility, idealized the pre-Petrine era and recognized only the peasantry, merchants and nobility; it did not recognize the cosmopolitan intelligentsia either as a class or as a stratum. The course of the SRL government was criticized for the international loans it had taken, believing that in this way the government was ruining the Russian people.

RNC and terror

The “Union of the Russian People” was created - the largest of the monarchical unions - on the initiative of several people at the same time: the doctor Dubrovin, the abbot Arseny and the artist Maikov. Alexander Dubrovin, a member of the Russian Assembly, became the leader. He turned out to be a good organizer, politically sensitive and energetic person. He easily came into contact with the government and administration and convinced many that only mass patriotism could save the current order, that a society was needed that would carry out both mass actions and individual terror.

Conservative parties of the 20th century begin to engage in terror - this was something new. Nevertheless, the movement received support of all kinds: police, political and financial. The Tsar blessed the RNC with all his heart in the hope that even terror is better than the inactivity demonstrated by other conservative parties in Russia.

In December 1905, a mass meeting was organized at the Mikhailovsky Manege of the RNC, where about twenty thousand people gathered. Prominent people spoke - famous monarchists, bishops. The people showed unity and enthusiasm. The "Union of the Russian People" published the newspaper "Russian Banner". The Tsar received deputations, listened to reports and accepted gifts from the leaders of the Union. For example, the insignia of members of the RNC, which both the Tsar and the Tsarevich wore from time to time.

In the meantime, the appeals of the RNC of absolutely pogromist anti-Semitic content were replicated among the people for millions of rubles received from the treasury. This organization grew at a tremendous pace, regional sections were opened in almost all major cities of the empire, in a few months - more than sixty branches.

Congress, charter, program

In August 1906, the charter of the RNC was approved. It contained the main ideas of the party, its program of action and the concept of development. This document was rightfully considered the best among all the charters of monarchical societies, because it was short, clear and precise in wording. At the same time, a congress of leaders from all regions was convened to coordinate activities and centralize them.

The organization became paramilitary due to the new structure. All ordinary party members were divided into tens, tens into hundreds, and hundreds into thousands, respectively, subordinate to tens, centurions and thousands. The organization of such a plan was good for popularity among the people. The monarchist movement was particularly active in Kyiv, and a huge part of the RNC members lived in Little Russia.

The deeply revered John of Kronstadt - the All-Russian priest, as he was called - arrived at the St. Michael's Manege for the next celebration on the occasion of the consecration of the banner, as well as the banner of the RNC. He gave a welcoming speech and later joined the RNC himself, and until the very end he was an honorary member of this Union.

To prevent revolutions and maintain order, the RNC kept self-defense on alert, often armed. The "White Guard" from Odessa is a particularly well-known squad of this type. The principle of formation of self-defense is a military Cossack with esauls, atamans and foremen. Such squads existed at all factories in Moscow and St. Petersburg.

Camber

By its fourth congress, the RNC was the first among Russian monarchist parties. It had over nine hundred branches, and the vast majority of the delegates were members of this Union. But then contradictions began among the leaders. Purishkevich tried to remove Dubrovin from business, and he soon succeeded. He pulled all the publishing and organizational work to himself; many leaders of local branches no longer listened to anyone except Purishkevich. This also affected many of the founders of the RNC.

And there was a conflict that went so far that the most powerful organization quickly came to naught. Purishkevich in 1908 created his "Union named after the Archangel Michael", withdrew from the RNC Moscow department. The Tsar's Manifesto on October 17 finally split the NRC, since the attitude towards the creation of the Duma was diametrically opposed. Then there was a terrorist attack with the murder of a prominent State Duma deputy, in which Dubrovin’s supporters and himself were accused.

The St. Petersburg department of the RNC in 1909 simply removed Dubrovin from power, leaving him with honorary membership in the Union, and very quickly ousted his like-minded people from all posts. Until 1912, Dubrovin tried to fight for a place in the sun, but realized that nothing could be returned, and in August he registered the charter of the Dubrovin Union, after which regional branches began to break away from the center one after another. All this did not add to the authority of the RNC organization, and it completely collapsed. Conservative parties (right) were sure that the government was afraid of the power of this Union, and Stolypin personally played a huge role in its collapse.

Prohibition

It got to the point that the RNC formed a single bloc with the Octobrists. Subsequently, attempts were made repeatedly to recreate a single monarchical organization, but no one achieved success. And the February Revolution banned monarchist parties, initiating lawsuits against the leaders. Then came the October Revolution and most of the leaders of the RNC faced death during these years. Those who remained were reconciled, having erased all past contradictions, by the White movement.

Soviet historians considered the RNC to be an absolutely fascist organization, which far predated their appearance in Italy. Even the RNC participants themselves wrote many years later that the “Union of the Russian People” became the historical predecessor of fascism (one of the leaders, Markov-2, wrote about this with pride). V. Laqueur is confident that the Black Hundreds have gone about halfway from the reactionary movements of the nineteenth century to the right-wing populist (that is, fascist) parties of the twentieth century.

Factors that influenced the emergence of political parties in Europe and Russia in the 20th century

Turning to the issue of considering the evolution of various political parties and movements in the 20th century, it is necessary to note the change in the social and civil climate, expressed in the influence of the media and the rise general level culture of society and its civic responsibility.

The main directions of political parties of the 20th century
Despite the differences in the positions and programs of political parties, global political commitment has been formed in several dominant directions:

1. Conservatism.
Conservative parties adhere to the position of bringing together the aristocratic and bourgeois stratum of the population, which is the embodiment of a political compromise between the top of the ruling bourgeoisie and supporters of the monarchy. The main difference is the commitment to traditional principles of attitude towards family, property and religion, but in the middle of the 20th century, conservatism was forced to accept liberal ideas of freedom and rights of the social and civil strata of the population. Representatives of conservative parties are the Conservative parties of Great Britain, the USA, and Germany.

2. Liberalism.
Liberal parties take as their basis the concept of the priority of freedom and personal rights, but what is most striking from other political movements is the factor of separation of public administration from civil society and the complete non-interference of the state in a person’s personal life. However, at the end of the 20th century, the concept of liberalism underwent a change, and subsequently began to be called “neoliberalism” or “social liberalism”, with its inherent ideas of social participation in political processes and the provision of social rights to education, work and pensions. Representatives of liberalism are the Liberals of Great Britain and the Republican Party of the USA.

3. Democracy.
Democratic parties base their program on the principles of popular sovereignty, citizen participation in the political administration of the state, legal equality before the law and the constitution, and political pluralism. Along with liberal principles, democratic parties recognize the right of the opposition to legally carry out its activities, put forward candidates for elections and participate in government. In the middle of the 20th century, democratic parties became more widespread, and under the influence of the emerging right of participation of the civilian masses in political governance, democracy revealed an additional political trend. mixed type- “liberal democratic party”.

4. Socialism.
The program of the Socialist Party was based on the concept of social equality and justice. The principles in the party program are:
A) Collectivism as a management principle.
B) Elimination of the facts of inequality and class society.
C) Maintaining a planned economy and economy strictly under the control of the state.
At the very beginning of the 20th century, a social democratic party emerged in Europe, based on equality, including justice, law and freedom of choice.

5. Communism.
It is noteworthy that communism, like socialism, are branches of Marxism that emerged as a result of the industrial revolution. The communist party is based on the principles of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the principles of egalitarianism and labor for the common good of the people and the state. Moreover, unlike socialism, the tactics of communism are carried out using revolutionary methods of struggle against the bourgeois class.
The main period of the development of communism in colonial countries began in the 20s of the 20th century and represented national liberation movements, with the obligatory implementation of a revolution of class affiliation.
Party functions as an influence on the management structure

Absolutely all political parties operating in the 20th century throughout Europe and Russia in particular had various programs and tasks characteristic of a particular political party, but it was the functions of the party that were of great importance. The main functions are:
1. An inextricable link between the managed and the managers.
The party is an uninterrupted channel of communication and information transfer with a specific circulation “top-down” or “bottom-up”.
2. Analysis and accumulation of public interests.
Parties are forced to consider social interests in order to identify the most significant interests in the direction of the political trend of the party.
3. A collective goal, as an element of inspiration for the party masses of society.
4. Recruitment and socialization of elite representatives, as selection of personnel for the promotion of a political party.
As a rule, all political parties of the 20th century, regardless of territorial and geographical location, used the above functions to have the greatest influence on the party composition and structure of government.

In addition to the direction in the functions of political parties, special meaning has a political subject that has a serious influence on the structure and object of power. It can be a political individual, any public organization, social group or class. Political scientists have proposed classifying political subjects according to the following criteria:
A) Social subjects - any type of ethnic group, electorate, criminal communities, social individual or commercial bourgeoisie.
B) Institutional subjects - president, parliament, party, trade union.
C) Functional subjects - media, church, army, lobby.
The role of a political object is decisive, because the success of political success and influence on the internal structures of power depend on the level of organizational abilities and the organization of interest of the broad masses of the public. All of the above factors influenced the formation of leading European political parties in the 20th century, which led to the process of strengthening parties in the structure of public administration.

Political parties and trends in European countries, the USA and Russia

In the 20th century, the following trends and parties emerged in the political vector:
Austria - Social Democrats of Austria, Austrian People's Party;
Great Britain - Conservatives, Democrats, Labor Party, Liberal Democrats;
Germany - Christian Democratic Union, Christian Socialist Union, Free Democratic Party, Social Democratic Party;
Greece - communist party, coalition of leftists and progressives, new democracy (conservative party);
Spain - Socialist Workers' Party, People's Party, coalition of five parties;
Italy – center-left coalition, left democrats, communists;
Norway - Christian People's Party, Labor Party, Socialist Party, Conservatives and Liberals;
Portugal – social democratic party, communists and socialists;
Finland – Christian Union, Left Communist Union, Social Democrats, National Conservative Party;
France – communists, radical socialist party, republicans and national front;
Sweden - Christian Democratic Party, Communist Workers' Party, Moderate Conservative Party, Liberal People's Party;
USA – Democratic Party and Republican Party.
Political parties of Russia in the 20th century
Political parties in Russia appeared at the beginning of the 20th century after the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1905-1907 and had a socialist orientation. It is noteworthy that the multi-party system existed only until the 20th year of the 20th century, then, until 1991, the monopoly of the CPSU existed.
By decision of the Congress of People's Deputies in 1991, the one-party system ceased to exist. From this moment on, multi-party system became a characteristic feature new era political management of the state. The following entered the political arena: the Democratic Party, the Liberal Democratic Party and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The emergence of a multi-party system subsequently had a huge impact on the development and formation of other political parties and unions.

Formation and creation of political parties in Russia at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century. Manifesto of October 17, 1905 And its significance in the creation of parties in Russia

At the turn of the 19th century The political movement intensified. In the 90s of the XIX century. economic strikes prevailed, and at the beginning of the 20th century. At strikes and rallies, political slogans were more actively put forward: “Down with autocracy!”, “Long live political freedom!”

Speech of the Russian proletariat

In May 1901 in St. Petersburg, during a strike of workers at the Obukhov Military Plant, a bloody clash occurred between workers and the police and troops. In 1897, the government adopted the law “On the working day” lasting 11.5 hours. At the beginning of the 20th century. workers at strikes and rallies put forward demands for a 9 and 8 hour working day. The government sought to weaken the growing labor movement. The idea arose to create “workers’ mutual benefit societies,” professional and educational organizations that would seek some economic concessions from entrepreneurs and distract workers from the political struggle. These ideas were put forward by the head of the Moscow security department S.V. Zubatov. In St. Petersburg, priest Gapon created the organization “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers.”

The government also took up the “peasant issue.” Under the chairmanship of S.Yu. Witte created a “Special Meeting on the Needs of the Agricultural Industry” and local committees, which discussed the need to expand certain rights of the peasantry, offered “assistance in the transition of peasants from communal to household and farm ownership,” but in this moment the government considered these measures premature.

In the arena of political struggle at the end of the 19th century. early 20th century Three camps emerged: government, liberal and revolutionary.

The first camp of government advocated the inviolability of autocracy, the preservation of which the Chief Prosecutor of the Synod Pobedonostsev and the Minister of Internal Affairs Plehve considered the guarantor of the strength of the state. In this camp in 1905, the “Union of the Russian People” arose, which united both large landowners and small shopkeepers and townspeople. The leader of this organization was a major official at the Ministry of Internal Affairs V.N. Pureshkevich, who adhered to the “Uvarov principles: Orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality. In 1908, Purishkevich founded another Black Hundred organization, the Russian People's Union named after. Michael the Archangel".

The second liberal camp opposed both the revolution and the unlimited arbitrariness of the autocracy. And this camp demanded reforms, the introduction of political freedoms in the country, the expansion of the rights of zemstvos, including their representation in the State Council. This camp was not homogeneous. The leader of the “legal Marxists” Struve, using funds from the zemstvos, began publishing the magazine “Osvobozhdenie” in Stuttgart in 1902. In 1903-1904 Two organizations emerged: the Union of Liberation and the Union of Zemstvo Constitutionalists. They held zemstvo congresses and “banquet companies,” at which they developed petitions to the tsar for reforms and the introduction of a constitution. In the spring of 1905, these organizations united into the “Union of Unions”, and then, in the fall of 1905, many figures from this association became part of the Cadets and Octobrists. The Cadet Party (“constitutional democratic party”) was headed by the historian Miliukov. This party was dominated by representatives of the intelligentsia, the middle bourgeoisie, as well as liberal landowners; Some of the artisans joined them. The main goal of the Cadets is the introduction of a democratic constitution in the country. Many cadets considered their ideal to be the creation of a constitutional monarchy of the English type. The Cadets demanded the separation of the three branches of government (legislative, executive and judicial). They campaigned for universal suffrage, for political freedoms, for freedom of teaching and free education at school, for the introduction of an 8-hour working day. The Cadets demanded that state autonomy be granted to Finland and Poland, but within Russia. On the agrarian question, they proposed partial alienation of the landowners' land in favor of the peasants, but according to a fair assessment, i.e. at market price. They advocated private ownership of land. The Cadets recognized only peaceful methods of struggle.

The Octobrist Party arose in November 1905. The main organization of the party was the “Union of October 17th”. The leader of the party is a major industrialist Guchkov. This party united representatives of the upper ranks of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie and large landowners, who considered it necessary to assist the government in carrying out reforms. The Octobrists advocated a constitutional monarchy with a State Duma (while maintaining strong monarchical power). They demanded reforms that would create freedom for bourgeois entrepreneurship. Their program put forward demands for political freedoms, the right of workers to strike of an economic nature. The Octobrists advocated a united and indivisible Russia, agreed to autonomy only for Finland. In the field of the agrarian question, the Octobrists advocated the abolition of the rural community, proposed returning the "cuttings" to the peasants, sometimes alienating part of the landowners' lands, but for the remuneration of the landowners by the state. In 1912, the Progressive Party arose in the liberal camp, which occupied an intermediate position between the Cadets and the Octobrists. The leaders are large Moscow manufacturers Konovalov and Ryabushinsky. The Progressives were in favor of a constitutional-monarchist system, for an elected bicameral representation, for a high property qualification for deputies. Later, in 1915, in the 4th State Duma, the progressives raised the need for at least some reforms.

Political parties represent the highest form of political organization of social classes or social strata. The main content of their activity is, as a rule, the struggle for power. The formation of the party system was greatly influenced by: firstly, significant differences (compared to Western Europe) associated with the social structure of society; secondly, the uniqueness of political power (autocracy); thirdly, the multinationality of the population.

Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP) was established in 1898, and finally took shape in 1903 at the II Congress, where the program and charter were adopted, and the governing bodies were also elected. Party leaders - V. Lenin, G. Plekhanov, Yu. Martov.

The party program was aimed both at solving the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution (the "minimum" program): the overthrow of the autocracy, the establishment of a democratic republic, an 8-hour working day, the elimination of the remnants of serfdom in the countryside, and at the implementation of the socialist revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat (program "maximum").

During the discussion of statutory and program issues, as well as during the elections of the governing bodies of the RSDLP, differences emerged that resulted in a split and the formation of two movements: Bolsheviks led by V.I. Lenin And Mensheviks led by Yu.O. Martov and G.V. Plekhanov. These two factions existed in Russian Social Democracy until 1912, when the Bolsheviks at the VI (Prague) Conference of the RSDLP finally separated from the Mensheviks.

Neo-populist revolutionary organizations in Russia were represented by the party socialist-revolutionaries (SRs), anarchists and neo-populist national parties.

Populist circles united in 1902 Socialist Revolutionary Party (AKP). The leader and ideologist of the party was V.M. Chernov. The Social Revolutionaries considered their main goal to be preparation for a social revolution, which was supposed to lead to democracy, and the right to proclaim it was supposed to be given to the Constituent Assembly. In socio-economic terms, the Socialist Revolutionary program provided for the future reorganization of society on collectivist, socialist principles. They wanted to solve the agrarian question with the help of “socialization of the land,” that is, removing it from commodity circulation and turning it into public property. The right to allocate land to peasants according to labor or consumer standards was granted to local government bodies - peasant communities. The Social Revolutionaries revived terror and tried to use it as one of the important means of political struggle in order to incite a revolution and weaken the tsarist power.

Anarchism was a doctrine whose supporters rejected the state and all power, believing that it could be destroyed by revolutionary means. They called the ideal social system a federation of self-governing communities and associations, where the human personality is free from all forms of dependence.

Neopopulists in general they were quite an active political force and played important role in the revolutionary socialist movement of Russia.

Liberal-oriented political parties, as a rule, were formed within the framework of zemstvo representation.